The Twa Sisters: A Santal Folktale Variant of the Ballad
by Lily Philipose
Folklore, Vol. 101, No. 2 (1990), pp. 169-177
The Twa Sisters: A Santal Folktale Variant of the Ballad
LILY PHILIPOSE
'THE Twa Sisters' had, by the time Child published his English and Scottish Popular Ballads (1882-1898),[1] been found in England, Scotland, Wales and Ireland. Equally popular with the Scandinavians, the ballad had also appeared in Danish, Icelandic, Norwegian, Faroe, Swedish, and Finnish versions. In the first half of this century, ballad scholars were giving considerable critical attention to this ballad, especially to the relationship b etween t he variants. Lutz Mackensen summarised these variants, and those of the closely related folktale known as 'The Singing Bone' (AT 780), in his study, Der singende Knochen,p ublished in 1923.[2] Archer Taylor discussed the English version of the ballad and its relationship to its American counterpart in 'The English, Scottish, and American Versions of "The Twa Sisters,"[3] and came to the conclusion that the
American versions were derived exclusively from the English. Harbison Parker's study, '"The Twa Sisters'L-Going Which Way?' (1951), [4] proved important in providing alternatives to previously e stablished b elief (in Knut Leistol's 'Dei tvo systar'i n 1909)[5] that the ballado riginatedin Britain, a nd travelled f romt here t o Scandinavia in two separate traditions. For the most part, these scholars concentrated on variants of the ballad in verse form. But in their common search for an Ur-form, they looked ultimately to the tale that appeared to be the source of the ballad. Paul Brewster, in 1953, produced a complete survey of both the song and the tale.[6]
In 1977, Tristram Potter Coffin, in his The British Traditional Ballad in North America,[7] brought to our attention the large
number of American story variations of this song. More recently, Roger de V. Renwick, in his structural/semiological study, English Folk Poetry: Structure and Meaning( 1980),[8] considered the ballad in terms of its signifiers: the setting of the river, the plot element of the victim floating down the stream, etc., and showed how these 'codes' brought 'The Twa Sisters' within the ballad cluster surrounding t he popular English ballad, 'The Bold Fisherman.' These studies show that 'The Twa Sisters' either in verse or in tale form, continues to be an ongoing tradition.
The popularity of the story of the two sisters, and its adaptability to a range of cultures, is attested to by the appearance of a variant among the storytellers of the Santals, a tribal group in West Bengal, India. The story, a variant of Aarne and Thompson type 780, was collected in 1891 by A. Campbell[9] in the district of Manbhum, from Santal storytellers.
'The Story of Two Princesses,' the Santal tale version of Child B, incorporates the traditional features of the ballad: the attraction of the older sister's lover to the beautiful younger sister, the death of the younger sister, the transformation of her body into a musical instrument, and the mysterious song that issues from the instrument, revealing the secret of her death. The Santal story, however, encodes these in a way that is different from either the European or the American versions, so that they become particularly meaningful within the structure of Santal tribal society. The import of the song's message shifts away from the guilt of the elder sister (who, in the European and American versions, murders her sister by pushing her into the river), to the repressed feelings of sexual desire and guilt in the younger sister. The chief interest in the Santal story is not so much the avenging of the elder sister's crime as the exploration of the predicament of a younger sister who is attracted to her own brother-in-law. This predicament is one that reflects very real tensions within the domestic situation created by Santal marriage rules. Among the Santals, sexual relations between a woman's husband and her younger sister are quite legitimate.
A full account of Santal marriage rules is provided in C. H. Craven's 'Traces of Fraternal Polyandry among the Santals' (1904). According to Craven: The relations between husbands and their wives' younger sisters (erwel kuriko) are perhaps even less restricted, and it is quite legitimate for a man to carry on an intrigue with his wife's younger sister, provided the damsel is agreeable, the only stipulation being that if she became 'enceinte' her brother-in-law(tenay) must take her to wife permanently. Santal wives are usually frantically jealous, but they seldom fail to tolerate, and have been known to encourage, improper relations between their consorts and their younger sisters. It is often urged as an excuse for the practice that the latter are thus kept from going wrong with younger men.[1] Craven's account is a particularly telling one because Craven describes not only the social rule itself, but also how it is interpreted by the individual. In spite of the social sanction of sexual relations between a younger sister and her brother-in-law, the elder sister is, quite naturally, very jealous when this actually occurs. In turn (one might imagine), the younger sister would feel considerably guilty in bringing about this 'frantic jealousy,' particularly if she were emotionally attached to her sister. In other words, both sisters would be likely to respond initially to their own deepest instincts, although this would seem to contradict the terms of the social sanction. The tale is ultimately concerned, I think, not so much with social structures-with marriage rules and sanctions or taboos but with very human responses to social situations: responses that are independent of the social rules peculiar to a single cultural group. The story that Campbell collected is given in full in the Appendix, below; in summarised form, it is this:
Two daughters of a Raja went out in search of the fruit of the Terel tree-a particularly luscious fruit. They had to walk a long way from the palace walls before they found the fruit they were looking for. After having feasted on this, they felt thirsty. So the elder sister went off to fetch some water, while the younger sister waited under the fruit tree. The elder sister was delayed
by a water-spiritw ho repeatedlyf lew through the water she had collected in a leaf-cup, making a hole in the bottom of the cup. A young raja who happened to be passing by saw the girl's repeated efforts to fill a leaf-cup with water, and he was so charmed by her that he carried her away to be his wife. The younger sister, meanwhile, was waiting by the fruit tree when she saw a horde of Hanuman monkeys coming towards the tree in search of fruit. She crept into the hollow of the tree in order to hide, but she was discovered by the oldest monkey who was too frail to climb the tree like the others. The old monkey went into the hollow and ate up the younger sister. Soon afterwards, the monkey died, and from its decaying body a gourd sprang u p which soon began to bear fruit. A 'jugi' (i.e. a yogi, an ascetic or devotee) plucked the fruit, and from
its shell he made a banjo (Campbell's translation). Whenever the yogi played it, the instrument
would produce sweet tones, but the song that it played always related the story of the younger
sister's death. The yogi travelled around the country playing his banjo till, one day, the raja's
wife chanced to hear his music. She recognised her sister's voice at once, so she contrived to
get possession of the instrument. She played a trick on the yogi so that she could have the
instrument for herself. She kept it secretly in her room. The raja was unaware of the secret of the instrument, but every time he and his wife were out walking, the younger sister would emerge from t he banjoa ndc ookt he family meal. Often, the raja returned to find that the meal had been cooked while nobody was home. Intrigued by this mysterious visitor, he decided one day to lie in wait to discover the identity of the secret provider. As usual, the younger sister emerged from the banjo, then she dressed her h air, anointed herself, and began to cook t he rice. The raja revealed himself, caught h old of the girl, and said, 'You and I are one, 'meaning, of course, t hat h e was now her husband.
In the light of Santal marriage rules, the textual variants in this version of 'The Twa Sisters' show an internal logic. First of all, there is no evidence of previous evil intent on the part of the elder sister. In Child B, the elder sister takes the younger to the seashore under the pretence of watching their father's ship come ashore, and there she violently pushes her sister into the water. Here, however, the elder sister is guilty of nothing more serious than neglecting to return for her sister after she has been found by the raja. There is no suggestiont hat she wishest o do awayw ith her sister; indeed, there is little motivation
for her to do so. The European and American versions make clear that the motive for the elder sister's cruelty is her jealousy of her sister's great beauty. Child B, Stanza 15 has:
Your cherry cheeks an' yallow hair
Gars me gae maiden for evermair."
The Scandinavian versions place particular emphasis on the younger sister's beauty. Not only is she more attractive than her elder sister but, as in Norwegian A, she taunts the older girl with her own superior beauty:
Although thou wilt wash thyself never so white,
So shalt thou become never to thy sister like.12
Norwegian C has also:
Thou mayest wash thee as white as thou canst,
Never wilt thou get a bridegroom.13
In the Santal version, on the other hand, the elder sister is obviously beautiful because the raja is attracted to her at the moment that he first sees her. Thus, the younger sister is not a threat because o f her greater b eauty,a nd she is not dangerous before th e marriage between the raja and the elder sister. It is only after the marriage that the evil intentions
of the elder sister are made clear. It is only then that she becomes manipulative and deceiving. Given the Santal marriage rules, we are able to see that the threat posed by
the youngers isteri s not that of her beauty( as in the Westernv ersions),b ut of her position
within the family structure. And this becomes threatening to the elder sister only after
her own marriage.
The danger inherent in the situation stems not only from the younger sister's youth but also, this tale seems to suggest, from her sexual potency, her ability to bear a child the single most dangerous eventuality for her elder sister, who will then have to accept her husband'st aking a second wife. The conglomeration of images of water, tree, fruit and monkey, surrounding the younger sister in the first part of the story, are richly
suggestive. W. G. Archer,i n his fine study, TheH ill of Flutes", describes how the Santals
have created a complex network of symbols to provide them with a language of sex, so
that they never have to allude directly to sexual activity. In this language of sex, monkeys
represent boys, climbing a tree represents seduction, and crying for water or drinking
from a river represents thirst for sexual pleasure." In the light of this, the detail of the
two sisters being thirsty for water suggests that the two women are ripe for sexual
fulfilment. A Santal song makes this explicit:
At the big river
The stony river
How I thirst for water
I am a grown girl
I am not a youngster
O my love
Do not shake my body.16
Trees and fruit are, in Santal belief, frequently linked with female sexuality. The Jiwer
'Karam'a n importantf ertilityr ite,c entersa rounda tree.T he entirev illageg athersa round
a Karam tree where a priest recites the Karam sermon, and where there is a ritual singing
of Karam songs. The rite ends with two young girls exchanging Karam leaves.'7 A
Santals ayinga bouti nfertilityu nderscoresth e associationo f ideasa boutw omen and trees:
'A girl does not get a child if her rooti s wrong' (my emphasis)."T' he same associations
are made in a Santal superstition where, significantly, specific mention is made of the
Terel tree:
Twof ruitso f the Teretl ree( Diospyrotos mentosoar) of the Taroptr ee( Bauchanilaa tifoliai)f found
growingin one accrescencta lyxa ren ot eatenb y womenu nderd reado f givingb irtht o twins.19
In songs, an unwantedp regnancyi s referredt o as 'makingt he citron fruit fall.'20T he
hordes of monkeys who rush toward the younger sister provide a comment on her sexual
potency. A Santal song provides an almost direct parallel:
Monkey, from branch to branch you sprang
Yous trolledf romp atht o path
Take care, monkey,
Or the citron fruit will fall.21
It is interesting that it is the old, frail monkey, rather than the younger, more active
monkeys, who discovers and enjoys the girl. Her seduction, the implication seems to
be, is initiated not by the young boys in the village (the ones she could 'go wrong' with),
but by an older man whose days of actively pursuing women are over. The woman's
being eatenb y the monkeyi s, interestinglye nough, the reversaol f a Santalt aboo:' Youths
and maidens will not eat the entrails of an animal. If they do, it is said, they will become
lustful.'22H ere, the woman herself becomes the entrails of an animal. Perhapst his is
the way the Santals torytellerp resentsh is audiencew ith a womanc onsumedb y her own
sexual desire.
The manner of the younger sister's death provides what is possibly the most interesting
variation in the text, as compared with Western versions. The scene has shifted from
the seashore to the forest (in Santal culture, a trysting place where secret romantic and
sexuale ncounterst akep lace),a nd insteado f deathb y drowningt, herei s deathb y ingestion.
THE TWA SISTERS: A SANTAL FOLKTALE VARIANT 173
The death itself is not an end, but rathera link in the chain of progressivee vents. After
being eaten by the monkey, the girl is returned to the soil, as it were, in the decaying
body of the animal. The soil, in turn, nourishes a gourd, which then bears fruit. The
fruit is fashioned into a musical instrument, and from this the girl is able to regain her
human shape. The point seems to be not simply that she dies, but that she undergoes
a serieso f transformationsfr: omh umant o animalt o plant life (downt he Chaino f Being),
thence to an object that is both animate and inanimate, and finally, back to human again.
The musical instrument is in an anomalous position in this chain because, although
inanimate, it has the human power of speech. Graphically, the course of the younger
sister's transformationws ould look like the figure below:
human
human
animal musical
instrument
plant
Figure A
Simultaneously, there is a linear movement of shifting locales, which marks off the
variouss tageso f the youngers ister'st ransformationsT. he setting moves from the castle
of the girls' father, to the forest, to the garden, and finally to the castle of the elder sister's
husband.
castle forest garden castle
innocence sexual encounter inclusion new
in domestic identity
sphere
Figure B
In the castle of their father, the girls, still under the guardianship of the Raja, are in
a state of innocence. The tale makes clear that they must travel a long way in order to
reach the forest, a place of sexual initiation. From there, the setting moves to the garden
of the palace, where the palace gardener throws the body of the monkey on a dunghill.
The garden, a tame version of the forest, objectifies the social practices which allow a
174 LILY PHILIPOSE
'civilized' expression of the younger sister's sexual freedom. From there, it is a single
step to the castle of the young Raja,w here she can achievea completer eintegrationin to
society as her brother-in-law'ys oung second wife.
In the European and American versions, the musical instrument is crucial to our
understanding of the ballad form because the song becomes, in the end, a ballad about
ballads. The fiddle (or harp, or flute) reveals the guilt of the elder sister, and so also
the singing of ballads releases repressed emotions. Thus, on one level, ballads serve a
deep, psychologicanl eed, and it is this functionala specto f the balladf ormt hat is reflected
in the conclusion of the song, where the problems set up at the beginning find a resolution.
Poetic justice is achieved-the evil sister's crime is exposed, and the wronged sister is
avenged.C hild B ends with the revelationo f the secret,b ut severalS candinavianv ersions
insist on the punishment of the wicked sister in order to complete the process whereby
poetic justice is achieved. In some versions, she is burned to death:
On Wednesdasyh e sat on the bride-bench
On Thursdays he lay on the pyrea nd was burnt.23
In another version she is buried alive:
They worked so great a violence on the bride
They buried her alive under the ground.24
In yet another version, she is sent out of the country:
They sent her so far from the country,
So far that no one can trace her.25
The importance of the motif of the musical instrument in the Santal tale, seems to
be relatedt o its functionw ithin the structureo f the tale,i .e. its functionw ithin the scheme
of transformation(sF igure A). The idea of transformationis an importanto ne because
the Santalc ulturei nsists that the youngers ister 'transformh' erselfa fterh er elder sister's
betrothala nd marriageS. he must look to formingh er own set of new relationshiptsh rough
marriage. But before then, and while still within the family structure where her elder
sister is new bride and wife, she plays severalr oles: sister, sister-in-lawr, ival, mistress,
potential second wife. In this context, her appearance in the tale as the mysterious
housekeeper (Motif 831.1 in Aarne and Thompson Type 780A, 'The Cannibal
Brothers')"r6e vealst hat she is readyf or the last of these roles. Preparingt he familym eal
is an essentially wifely duty. It is, in fact, in performing this duty that the elder sister
had earlier established herself as the new rani of the castle, soon after her wedding. Now,
the musical instrument becomes the means by which the younger sister's claim to become
a second wife is recognisedb y her brother-in-lawW. ithin the scheme of transformations,
then, the musical instrument marks the transition from younger sister (potential rival)
to youngers ister( actualr ival).S tructurallyt,h e musicali nstrumento ccupiesa n important
position in the tale becausei t seems to act as a bridgeb etweent wo diametricallyo pposed
worlds. It mediates between forest and home because it is fashioned out of a forest fruit,
but is eventually placed within the palace walls. It mediates between plant and animal
life, on the one hand, and human form on the other: while the girl enters it in the form
of a decaying animal body under the soil, she emerges from it in human shape. It mediates
THE TWAS ISTERS:A SANTALF OLKTALEV ARIANT 175
alsob etweent he sexuala ndt he asexualI. t absorbtsh e sexualc onnotationssu rrounding
fruita ndt reesi n Santacl ultureb, ut it is alsoa ssociatewd itht he yogi( ascetic)w, ho here
replacetsh e milleri n the Europeanan dA mericanv ersionsF. inallyi,t mediatebs etween
the youngg irla ndt he maturew omanb, ecauseth e girlw hoe mergesfr omi t is no longer
lookingf ors exo r innocen'tf un'b, utf ora husbando n whoms hea lreadhy ass omec laims.
In the finala nalysist,h e taleo perateisn a similarw ayt o 'The TwaS isters.T' he song
is a ballada boutb alladsa, nd' The Storyo f TwoP rincessesi's a storya bouts torytelling.
The musicali nstrumenctl earlyc onveyss omethingim portantto the rajaw, hichi s why
the elders isteri s carefutlo conceali t fromh im.A pparentlyit, conveyss omethingm ore
thant he elders ister'sg uilt,b ecauset he effectt he revelationh as on the rajai s to make
him claimt he youngers istera s his wife.T he suggestionis thatt he musicali nstrument
revealst he youngers ister'ss exuald esiref or her brother-in-laowr, the factt hat she is
alreadyim pregnatebdy him (whichw oulde xplaint he elders ister'sf earo f the secret).
At any rate,i t is somethingth at the youngers isterh erselfc annote xpressi, n spite of
the's ocials anctiono f herr elationshiwp ithh ers ister'sh usbandL. ike' The TwaS isters,'
thisi s ultimatelay s torya bouth ows torytellinagn du singp oetica nds ymbolicla nguage-a
vitala specto f Santacl ulture-providteh em eanso f releasintge nsionin socialr elationships.
Department of English,
University of Cincinnati
APPENDIX
The Story of Two Princesses. From the collection of A. Campbell. Santal Folktales. Pokhuria,
1891.
A certain Raja had two daughters, who were in the habit of amusing themselves outside of
the palace walls. One day they saw a crow flying towards them with a ripe Terel fruit in his
beak. They then said to each other, 'What fruit is it? It looks nice and sweet.' The crow let the
fruit fall in front of them. They ran and picked it up, and ate it. It tasted deliciously sweet. Then
they said, 'Fromw henced id the crowb rings uch a good fruit?'T hen they rememberedth e direction
from which they had seen it coming, and said, 'If we go this way we shall find it.' So they went,
but it was only after they had travelled a great distance from home that they found the Terel
tree with the ripe luscious fruit.
The elder of the two girls climbed up into the tree, and shook down a large quantity of the
fruit. They then feasted to their heart's content. Presently they began to feel thirsty, and the
elder said to the younger, 'You remain here while I go to drink, and I will also bring you water
in a leaf cup.'Having said this she went away to the tank, and her sister remained under the Terel
tree. The day was extremely hot, and they were very thirsty.
The elder having quenched her thirst was returning carrying water for her sister in a cup made
of the leaveso f a Terelt ree,w hen a bhut came flying along, and fell into the cup of water.P resently she became aware that there was a hole in the bottom of her cup through which all the water
had run out. What could she do now? There was no help for it but to return to the tank, make
another leaf cup, and filling it with water return with it to her sister. As she was returning with
the cup of water the bhut again came flying up, and entering the water passed through the leaf,
making a hole by which all the water escaped.
Again she made a leaf cup, and having filled it with water was returning when the bhut again
came, and destroyed her cup, and caused her to lose the water. In this way she was detained
till very late.
A raja who happened to be in the vicinity saw a beautiful girl carrying water in a leaf cup,
and a bhut come and make a hole in the cup, so that it soon became empty. Having seen this
several times repeated, he drew near, and feasted his eyes on her beauty. Then he carried her
away to his palace, where they were joined in wedlock, and the princess, now the rani, cooked
the food for herself and her husband.
176 LILY PHILIPOSE
The young princess remained near the Terel tree, and although she had given up hope of again
meeting her sister, still she continued to wait. At length a herd of Hanuman monkeys came to
feed upon the Terel fruit. When the girl saw them coming she was terrified and crept into the
hollow of the tree. The monkeys, with the exception of an old frail one, climbed into the tree
and began to eat the fruit. The old monkey remained below and picked up the fruit shells which
the others threw down.
The old monkey having noticed the girl hiding in the hollow of the tree called to the others,
'Throw me down some. If you do not I shall not share the Setke chopot I have found.' The monkeys
in the tree said, 'Do not give him any. He is deceiving us. When his hunger is satisfied he will
run and leave us.' So no fruit was thrown down to him, and he was forced to be content with
the shells. The monkeys in the tree, having fared sumptuously, left. The old monkey waited till
they were out of sight, and then entered the hollow of the tree, where the girl was, and ate her
up. He then went to the tank to drink, and afterwardsw ent in the directiono f the raja'sg arden,
on reaching which he lay down and died. One of the gardeners finding him dead threw him
on the dunghill.
From the place where the monkey decayed a gourd sprang and grew, and bore a fruit which
ripened. One day a jugi, when on his rounds begging, saw this fruit and plucking it took it away
with him. Out of the shell he made a banjo, which when played upon emitted wonderful music.
The words which seemed to proceed from the banjo were as follows:
Ripe terels, ripe terels. Oh! Sister mine.
Went in search of water, Oh! Sister mine.
Raja and Rani they became.
Seven hundred monkeys old,
Ate me up, ate me up. Oh! Sister mine.
The jugi was greatly pleased with the music of his new banjo, and determined to take it with
him when he went a-begging. So one day he set out with his banjo the music of which so pleased
the people that they gave him large gifts of money and clothes. In course of time he arrived
at the palace where the elder sister was now rani, and, being admitted, began to play on his banjo.
The instrument again produced most wonderful music. It seemed to wail as follows:
Ripe terels, ripe terels, Oh! Sister mine.
Went in search of water, Oh! Sister mine.
Raja and Rani they became.
Seven hundred monkeys old,
Ate me up, ate me up. Oh! Sister mine.
Having listened to the music the rani said, 'It is wonderfully sweet,' and she fancied she heard
her sister's voice in every note. She thought it possible that it was she who sang in the banjo,
and she desired to obtain possession of it. So she invited the jugi to pass the night in the palace,
saying, 'I would hear more of this entrancing music.' The jugi listened to the words of the rani
and agreed to remain till morning. So the rani made much of him with the intention of at length
obtaining possession of his banjo. She caused a goat to be killed, and she cooked a splendid supper
for the jugi, who finding the food so toothsome ate heartily. Wine was not withheld, and the
jugi being in a festive frame of mind drank deeply, so that he soon lay as one dead. The rani
took the banjo, and placed another in its stead. She then threw filth over the unconscious jugi
and retired to her own apartment.
The jugi on awaking before sunrise found himself in a pitiable plight. He felt so thoroughly
disgusted with himself that, hastily picking up his staff, cloth, and banjo, he fled with the utmost
possible speed from the palace. When dawn broke he saw that the banjo he had was not his own,
and although he felt keenly its loss he was too much ashamed of the condition he had been in
to go back to seek it. The rani hid the jugi's banjo in her own room, because she knew her sister
to be in it. Whenever the raja and rani went out to walk, the girl left the banjo and having bathed
and dressed her hair, cooked the family meal, and then returned to the banjo. This happened
so often that at last it came to the knowledge of the raja that a fairy lived in the banjo, and when
THE TWA SISTERS: A SANTAL FOLKTALE VARIANT 177
the wayw asc learu sedt o comeo ut andp reparfeo odf ort he rania ndh imself.S o he determined
to lie in waitf ort he fairyc ook.H e thens entt he ranis omewheroen an erranda, ndh id himself
in a cornero f the roomf romw henceh e coulds ee theb anjoI. n a shortt imet hep rincesse merged
from the banjo and began to dress her hair, and anoint herself with oil, after which she cooked
rice.S hed ividedt he foodi ntot hreep ortionso, ne of whichs he ate.A s she wasa boutt o re-enter
the banjo,t he rajas prango ut and caughth old of her. She exclaimed',C hi!C hi! you mayb e
a Hadi, or you may be a Dom. The raja replied, 'Chi! Chi! whether I be a Dom, or a Hadi,
from today you and I are one.'
____________________________
NOTES
1. F.J . Child,E nglisha ndS cottisPh opulaBr allads5, vols.( NewY orkD, overP ublication1s,9 65).
2. L. MackensenD, er SingendeK nochenF, olkloreF ellowsC ommunicatio4n9 (Helsinki,
SuomalainenT iedeakatemia1,9 61)
3. A. Taylor'.T he English,S cottisha nd AmericanV ersionos f "The TwaS isters,"J ournal
of AmericanF olklor4e 2 (1929),2 38-46.
4. H. Parker", 'TheT waS isters- GoingW hichW ay?J.'o urnaol fA mericaFno lkor6e4 (1951),
347-60.
5. K. Leistol,' Dei tvo systar,M' aal og Minne( Oslo, 1909).
6. P. BrewsterT, he TwoS isters( Helsinki,S uomalainenT iedeakatemia1,9 53).
7. T. P. Coffin, TheB ritishT raditionaBla lladi n NorthA merica(A ustin,T exas,U niversity
of Texas Press, 1977).
8. R. de V. RenwickE, nglishF olkP oetryS: tructuraen dM eanin(gP ennsylvaniaU,n iversityo f
PennsylvaniPa ress,1 980).
9. A. AarneT, heT ypeosf theF olktaleA: Classificatioann dB ibliograph(Hy elsinkiS, uomalainen
Tiedeakatemia1, 961),p . 269; A Campbell,S antal Folktales(P okhuria,S antalM ission Press, 1891)
pp. 102-105.
10. C. H. Craven,' Traceso f FraternaPl olyandrya mongt he Santal.J' ournalo f theA siaticS ociety
of Bengal 72, iii (1904), 89.
11. Child, p. 127.
12. Parkerp, . 351
13. Ibid., p. 351.
14. W. G. Archer, The Hill of Flutes (Pittsburgh, University of Pittsburgh Press, 1974).
15. Ibid., p. 66.
16. Ibid., p. 223.
17. A full account of the ritual is provided in Archer, pp. 256-71.
18. Ibid., p. 273.
19. A. Campbell, 'Superstitionso f the Santals,J' ournalo f theB ihar and OrissaR esearchS ociety
I (1915), 214.
20. Archer, p. 66
21. Ibid., p. 67.
22. Campbell, 'Superstitions,' 213.
23. DanishC . In Parkerp, . 353.
24. Norwegian L. Ibid., p. 353.
25. NorwegianK . Ibid.,p . 353.
26. A. Aarne, p. 270.