Bluegrass Messengers

Religious Ballads: Dives and Lazarus; McCabe 1980

[From: A critical study of some traditional religious ballads by  Mary Diane (Molly) McCabe 1980. I'm not sure when I'm going to proof this completely; obviously it doesn't scan well and would require hours of editing. Some of it is legible. The chapter may be viewed online: Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/7804/

Appendix is included at the end. It's ironic that of the traditional tunes only one from the US is listed and it's from Patrick Gainer --which means it's probably not authentic. The US versions are titled "Dives and Lazarus" or "Lazarus" and are not directly related to the Child ballad but rather are missing the essential elements found in Child 56. However, Gainer's recreation includes them.

R. Matteson 2014]

CHAPTER EIGHT
DIVES AND LAZARUS (CHILD 56)

Dives and Lazarus, a ballad concerning the parable in Luke XVI. 19-31, appears to have been composed in the mid-sixteenth century or earlier and continually reprinted since that date. Evidence for its continual reprinting will be presented after the survey of surviving texts and will be followed by a detailed analysis of the ballad's style and narrative content, which clearly derive from pre-Reformation religious traditions. The ballad has no close Continental analogues.

More than half the versions of Dives and Lazarus listed in Appendix E are broadsides and analysis both of these and of the traditional texts suggests that all versions derive from a common original which perhaps was printed in London from the sixteenth to the eighteenth centuries and disseminated to country d i s t r i c t s during the same period. By the end of the eighteenth century regional variants had evolved, but most textual v a r i a t i o n s suggest minor emendation by printers rather than wholesale recreation in oral tradition. Nevertheless, the v a r i a t i o n s make it possible to decide which texts are related to each other: they occur mostly in the stanzas on the summoning of Lazarus and Dives to heaven and hell and will be quoted in detail later in the chapter.

The oldest broadside, II, from Worcester, dates from the eighteenth century and is closely related to broadside XV, from Monmouth; the latter may also represent a Worcestershire version, since the Monmouth printer, Charles Heath, grew up near Kidderminster in that county[1].

The London broadsides (XI, XII and XIII) form another textual group. They have all been shortened by the omission of the stanzas in which Lazarus pleads and Dives answers at Dives' wall, and in which Dives later speaks in hell. Some modernization of language has occurred in all London copies, though less so in XIIa, a Catnach broadside. It is likely that the broadside entitled 'Dives and Lazarus' was printed in London in the s i x t e e n t h and seventeenth centuries, when printing outside London, Oxford and Cambridge was not allowed[2]. Since extant p r o v i n c i a l texts are more complete than the surviving London copies, it seems probable that London p r i n t e r s of the early nineteenth century have shortened and emended an e a r l i e r complete London text, as they adapted The Cherry Tree Carol , to fit it on to a sheet containing several other carols. In addition, t r a d i t i o n a l Christmas carols had become less popular in the capital at that date, since the market was flooded with more fashionable carols w r i t t e n by and for the evangelical tract societies[4]. As Shepard suggests, London p r i n t e r s of the early nineteenth century may have had access to much older stock[5]: Catnach, for example, purchased wood cuts of the sixteenth century[6].

I n the nineteenth century Dives and Lazarus was printed on broadsides or in chapbooks at Birmingham, Dudley and Manchester and, according to Rimbault[7], in Halifax and Warwick. A chap-book printed by S. Martin of Birmingham[8], in which 'A new Carol, for St. John's day' is directed to be sung to the tune 'Divas (s i c) and Lazarus', indicates that the b a l l a d was well-known in Birmingham before 1800.

Broadsides IV, VII, VIII, IX and X, from Birmingham and Dudley, are a closely related group, though X has been 'improved' s l i g h t l y, like other carols in the Dudley chapbook A Good Christmas Box. III and V differ only s l i g h t l y from this group, in s i m i l a r ways. Broadside VI, p r i n t e d by Thomas Wood of Birmingham, preserves older features missing from the main Birmingham group and, since i t shares some phrases with London broadsides XI, XII and XIII, it may be closer to the posited older London version.

Broadside XIV and the incomplete variant 10, both from Manchester, resemble each other and also Wood's broadside, VI.

Since all t r a d i t i o n a l texts of Dives and Lazarus are incomplete, their precise r e l a t i o n s h i p to the d i f f e r e n t broadside groups cannot be determined. Traditional texts 1 and 2 most closely resemble the Wood broadside, V I , whilst t r a d i t i o n a l text 13, the source of which is unknown, has much in common with the London broadsides. Since, however, text 13 preserves a fragment of the 'wall' stanzas missing from the nineteenth century London t e x t s, it is perhaps a Southern English text from oral t r a d i t i o n derived from the older London broadside version.

T r a d i t i o n a l texts 4 and 11, printed only in part, show that Dives and Lazarus changed s l i g h t l y in West Midland oral t r a d i t i o n by the a c q u i s i t i o n of a d d i t i o n a l stanzas, mostly c a r o l commonplaces. 'Oral' texts 1, 2, 4, 6, 7, 13 and 14 change the name 'Dives', found in the broadsides, to 'Diverus' or 'Div'rus', but i n other respects differ l i t t l e from the broadsides. In seems probable that t r a d i t i o n a l variants were c o n t i n u a l l y subject to 'c o r r e c t i o n' by fresh broadside and chapbook copies.

Child 56 has been collected in America only twice[9] and both of these texts may have been learned from books printed in the twentieth century. Since one of these American texts has been adapted, it is, however, included among the traditional texts. Frequently collected in America, however, has been a 'secondary ballad'[10] written in a later, more artificial style, which tells the story of Lazarus and the rich man ('Dives' is not used), but follows the bible narrative much more closely than Child 56. Traditional ballads were often re written in a more fashioriable style for the broadside press[11], but there is no textual evidence to prove that the American 'secondary ballad' is a re written version of Child 56 and it has therefore been excluded from this study.

A ballad 'Of the Ryche Man and Poore Lazarus' was licensed to John Wally and Mrs. Toy between 19 July 1557 and 9 July 1558[12]. Between 22 July 1570 and 22 July 1571, a ballad entitled 'Dyves and Lazerus* was licensed to William Pekering[13]. The title of the Pekering ballad suggests that it may have been a forerunner of Child 56, and the Toy and Pekering ballads were probably the same, since Pekering prints several ballads from Mrs. Toy's stock[14]. The parable i n s p i r e d other ballads: 'The ryche Gluttoun and pure Lazarus' appears among the Scottish 'Gude and Godlie Ballatis,' perhaps t r a n s l a t e d from the German[15], A ballad called 'Devill and Dives' was licensed in December 1624 to Thomas Pavier, John Wright, Cuthbert Wright, John Grismond, Henry Gosson and Edward Wright[16] and 'A godly newe ballad taken out of ye chapter of Saincte Lukes gospell of ye Riche man yat Demanded a Reckoning of his Steward, and also of ye Riche Dives and poore Lazarus' was licensed to Henry Carr[17] on 3 September 1580, The popularity of the theme with the poor is i l l u s t r a t e d by the licensing of 'A message of Newes sent.from the highe courte of heaven sent latelie by Lazalus (s i c) prince of povertie vnto all his loving f r e i n d e s the poore d i s t r e s s e d people here on poore d i s t r e s s e d people here on earth &c' to Richard Jones on 9 August 1583. The subject also i n s p i r e d a tract, probably in prose, entitled 'The life and Deathe of the riche man and LAZARUS by way of m e d i t ( a t ) i o n, with the riche mans f u n e r a l l sermon'[19], l i c e n s e d to Edward White on 22 January 1600.

The s i x t e e n t h century ballad of Dives and Lazarus, like the one we have, must have been r e l i g i o u s l y neutral to have been licensed in the r e i g n s of Mary Tudor and Elizabeth I. Infor m a t i on on its p r i n t i n g does not e s t a b l i s h whether the ballad is C a t h o l i c or P r o t e s t a n t in origin, but this question is l a r g e l y i r r e l e v a n t (except as regards dating): the social message of Dives and Lazarus would have been popular with the poor of both faiths.
Mrs. Toy was the widow of Robert Toy, who died in February 1555-1556. Toy p r i n t e d a number of P r o t e s t a n t works in the reign of Edward VI, but p l a y e d safe in Mary Tudor's reign by r e p r i n t i n g works by S k e l t o n and Chaucer. Mrs. Toy's son, Humphrey, also printed P r o t e s t a n t works and in 1594 was fined for keeping his shop open on St. Luke's day[20]. Mrs. Toy herself, however, was a p p a r e n t l y trusted by the Catholic government for in 1558 she r e c e i v e d a sole licence to print the Latin catechism[21] 'John Walley' is mentioned as a member of the Stationers' Company[22] in the C h a r t e r of 1557-1558, granted by Philip and Mary at the request of the S t a t i o n e r s but i n the express hope t h a t it would prevent the p u b l i c a t i o n of "certain s e d i t i o u s and h e r e t i c a l books, rhymes and t r e a t i s e s " [23]. None of the t h i r t y-one b a l l a d s he printed with Mrs. Toy in the f i r s t year o f t he c h a r t e r could, then, have been overtly P r o t e s t a n t [24]: most o f them appear to be popular songs of the day, with two which may be t r a d i t i o n a l ballads, 'A ballett of Thomalyn' and 'A ballett of Wakefylde and a grene' [25]. R e l i g i o u s songs such as 'A b a l l e t t of admonyssion to leave swerying' were probably of a neutral cast[26].

Pekering was p r o b a b l y the 'W i l l i a m Pykering' mentioned as a member of the S t a t i o n e r s' Company in the C h a r t e r of Philip and Mary[27]. He was a c t i v e as a ballad p r i n t e r throughout the 1560s and 1570s. In 1570-71 he p r i n t e d an anti-Catholic ballad, 'The begynnynge and endynge of all popery'[28]. His unpolemical religious b a l l a d s were, like many others in Elizabeth's reign, on biblical s u b j e c t s, often from the Old Testament[29]. They are likely to have been P r o t e s t a n t in origin or in tone, since they were p r i n t e d during a time of careful Privy Council a c t i v i t y[30]. In any case, only Elizabethan p r i n t e r s of P r o t e s t a n t sympathies could have made money by p r i n t i n g religious b a l l a d s in London, a city of pronounced P u r i t a n enthusiasm. Both Henry Carr and Richard Jones were p r o l i f i c printers of b a l l a d s who included anti-Catholic b a l l a d s in their stock[31].

The title 'Dives and Lazarus' appears in a catalogue of "small books. B a l l a d s and H i s t o r i e s" printed by William Thackeray of "the Angel in Duck-Lane, London; where any Chapmen may be f u r n i s h e d with them"[32], dated by s c h o l a r s as 1685 or 1689[33]. 'Dives and Lazarus' appears in a list of 'double books' with the t i t l e of a much longer traditional ballad, 'Adam Bell' (Child 116). The 'double book' of 'Dives and Lazarus' may have contained other songs, or have been a padded v e r s i o n or prose r e d a c t i o n of our ballad. A 'Dream of Devil and Dives', r e c a l l i n g the title of the 1624 b a l l a d mentioned above, appears in the list of 'H i s t o r i e s ' in the same c a t a l o g u e.

Other evidence supports the idea that Dives and Lazarus (i.e. Child 56) c o n t i n u e d to be well-known in London in the seventeenth c e n t u r y. In Act III, scene iii of John Fletcher's Monsieur Thomas, w r i t t e n in 1619 and p r i n t e d i n 1639[34], a f i d d l e r announces h i s r e p e r t o i r e[35]:
Under your mastership's c o r r e c t i o n , I can sing
The Duke of N o r f o l k , or The Merry B a l l ad
o f Diverus and Lazarus, the Rose o f England,
I n Creet when Dedimus f i r s t began,
Jonas h i s c r y i n g out a g a i n s t Coventry.
Thomas i r o n i c a l l y announces these t o be " e x c e l l e n t , rare
m a t t e r s a l l " . The p a i r sing a s c u r r i l o u s duet and the r e st
o f the scene c o n t a i n s snatches of contemporary songs or parodies
o f them . 'The Merry B a l l a d of Diverus and Lazarus'' is mentioned w i t h other b a l l a d s of the p r e v i o u s century[37] and the
c o n t e x t makes i t c l e a r t h a t by 1619 these b a l l a d s were
c o n s i d e r e d as a n t i q u a t e d and r i d i c u l o u s.
I n Nice Valour, w r i t t e n by F l e t c h e r probably with
Thomas M i d d l e t o n and p r i n t e d i n 1647, the ' F i r s t gentleman'

i s ' t r y i n g to c o l l e c t a p a r t y of cowardly r e t a i n e r s [38]:

So i f I f a i l of my f u l l number now,
I s h a l l be sure to f i n d 'em a t church corners,
Where 'Dives' and the s u f f ' r i n g Ballads hang.

This appears to mean t h a t Dives and Lazarus and o t h e r ballads designed to appeal to human compassion were sung or s o l d at church corners by v a g r a n t s and ne'er-do-wells.

F l e t c h e r may w e l l have known a v e r s i o n o f C h i l d 56, for i t s l a b o r i o u s p a r a l l e l i s m , r e l i a n c e on m i r a c l e , and use of
serpent-messengers might indeed have seemed l u d i c r o u s by the
e a r l y seventeenth c e n t u r y ; moreover, the form 'Diverus' is
found i n s e v e r a l t r a d i t i o n a l v a r i a n t s o f our b a l l a d.
Two r e l i g i o u s broadsides of the l a t e r seventeenth century
may also i n d i c a t e f a m i l i a r i t y w i t h a b a l l a d l i k e C h i l d 56.
A poem c a l l e d 'St. Bernard's V i s i o n ' , p r i n t e d i n 1656 and
39
1675 , i s "a b r i e f e discourse ... betweene the soule and
the Body of a damned man newly deceased ... w i t h a speech of

the D i v e l ' s i n H e l l "[40]. The soul's accusations preserve the

t r a d i t i o n of the middle ages[41]:

Gone i s t h y t r a i n e , thy m i r t h to mourning turn'd
Thou i n a c o f f i n i n t h y s h r i n e a r t urn'd;
For thy r i c h c l o t h e s , thou hast a.winding-sheet,
Thy h i g h - b u i l t roofe now w i t h thy nose doth meete.

I n the Second Part of the poem, the soul admonishes[42]:

Fond f l e s h 1 remember Dives was denay'd.
When f o r one drop of water so he pray'd.

In 'A L e t t e r f o r a C h r i s t i a n Family', p r i n t e d i n 1675 and p o s s i b l y w r i t t e n by John V i c a r s ( d. 1652 )[43] , the f o l l o w i ng stanzas occur 44:

Also we read o f Dives' pomp and s t a t e,
And of poor Lazarus that l a y at h i s gate;
I n Abraham's bosome, he was nourished,
And w i t h sweet comforts he was d a i l y fed.
• While Dives f o r one drop d i d c a l l and c r y,
To cool h i s tongue, he d i d i n torments l y e.
But any comfort could he not r e c e i v e.
Because poor Lazarus he would not r e l i e v e.

A l t h o u g h in C h i l d 56 Dives c a l l s for 'one drop of water'[45], in Luke's gospel (XVI.24) he begs Abraham t h a t Lazarus may dip his f i n g e r in water and cool h i s tongue. The w r i t e r s of the l i n es
quoted, t h e r e f o r e , appear t o have f o l l o w e d the b a l l ad t r a d i t i o n in this d e t a i l , and in the use of 'Dives' as the r i c h man's name. As i n the p a r a b l e , Dives' request i s r e f u s e d; it is p o s s i b l e t h a t Lazarus' r e f u s a l of Dives was part of the b a l l a d at t h i s stage.

A h a n d b i l l of Queen Anne's r e i g n a d v e r t i s e s a " l i t t l e
Opera, c a l l ' d The Old C r e a t i o n o f the World, Newly Reviv'd", which i n c l u d e s the f o l l o w i n g scenes[46]:

10. Rich Dives i n v i t e s h i s F r i e n d s , and orders h is P o r t e r to keep the Beggars from h i s Gate.
11. Poor Lazarus comes a begging at Rich Dives's Gate, the Dogs l i c k h i s Sores.
12. The good Angel and Death contend . f o r Lazarus's L i f e .
13. Rich Dives i s taken s i c k and d i e t h , he i s b u r i ed i n great s o l e m n i t y.
14. Rich Dives i n H e l l , and Lazarus i n Abraham's
Bosom ...
The performance, given by Matthew Heatly a t Crawly's Booth
near the Crown Tavern i n S m i t h f i e l d d u r i n g the time of Bartholomew F a i r , may have been a puppet show [47]. Some scenes
( e . g . number 12) appear to draw on medieval p l a y s , but the
phrases " r i c h Dives", " i n v i t e s h i s f r i e n d s " and "poor Lazarus"
occur i n the f i r s t stanza of C h i l d 56 and the d e t a i l s of the
p o r t e r keeping beggars away, Lazarus a c t i v e l y "a-begging" at
Dives' gate and Dives' being taken " s i c k " might have been
suggested by the b a l l a d , since they do not occur i n the gospel.
The h a n d b i l l seems t o show, t h e r e f o r e , that Dives and Laizarus
( C h i l d 56) was known in London at the beginning of the e i g h t e e n th
c e n t u r y .

The b a l l a d s t o r y , as the use of "Dives" ('a r i c h man') as a proper name suggests, appears to be d e r i v e d m a i n l y from the Vulgate and from popular r e p r e s e n t a t i o n s o f the parable[48]. T h i s need not mean t h a t the ballad" pre-dates the Reformation, since such t r a d i t i o n s remained f a m i l i a r throughout the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y . The Edwardian and E l i z a b e t h a n H o m i l i s ts relied on the Vulgate[49], and the Shakespearean c h a r a c t er Falstaff, twice a p p a r e n t l y refers to p a i n t i n g s of the p a r a b l e. He tells, B a r d o l p h [50]:

I never see t h y f a c e but I t h i n k upon h ' e l l - f i r e , and Dives that l i v e d in p u r p l e; for t h e r e he is in  his
robes, b u r n i n g , b u r n i n g.

L a t e r he, d e s c r i b e s h i s poor company o f recruits[51]:

... slaves as ragged as Lazarus i n t h e p a i n t e d c l o t h,
where the G l u t t o n ' s dogs l i c k e d h i s sores.

The f i r s t stanza of Dives and Lazarus v a r i e s l i t t l e :

As i t f e l l out upon a day,
Rich Dives made a f e a s t.
And he i n v i t e d a l l h i s f r i e n d s
And gentry o f the b e s t.
D.L. I l l sta., 1.

'Feast' rhymes on s h o r t 'e' with 'best', a p r o n u n c i a t i o n which was p o s s i b l e until the e a r l y seventeenth century [52]. Traditional versions 1, 4, 6 and 7 have 'upon one day'. Text 2, i n f l u e n c ed by The B i t t e r Withy, begins, "As i t f e l l out on a l i g h t d u l ly day" ( i . e . a ' l i g h t h o l i d a y ' ) . Broadsides 11 and XV s u b s t i t u te
"guests" f o r ' f r i e n d s ' . The London broadsides {XI - X I I I)
omit ' r i c h ' before 'Dives' both here and throughout the b a l l a d,
as do t r a d i t i o n a l t e x t s 2, 9 and 13 and broadside XV. The
London b r o a d s i d e s , however, a l s o omit 'poor' before 'Lazarus'
i n stanza 8.2. The d e s c r i p t i o n o f Dives as ' r i c h ' i s t r a d i t i o n a l
j u d g i n g by Carr's e n t r y i n t h e S t a t i o n e r s ' R e g i s t e r , but i t s
o m i s s i o n i s t h e s o r t o f c o r r e c t i o n t h a t any semi-educated p r i n t er
c o u l d make a t any t i m e.

The opening l i n e , "As i t f e l l out upon a.day", also begins the stanzas of the deaths o f Lazarus and Dives (broads
i d e s , s t a s . 10.1, 12.1). S i m i l a r l i n e s are used for transitions in medieval romance[53] and throughout the t r a d i t i o n a l b a l l a d s[54].

The l i n e r e f l e c t s the casual tone of the gospel n a r r a t i v e at these very p o i n t s . The Vulgate has[55]:

Homo quidem e r a t dives . ... Factum est autem u t moreretur
mendicus ... mortuus est autem et dives ...

S i x t e e n t h century b i b l e t r a n s l a t i o n s use phrases such as
"... i t f o r t u n e d "[56] and "... it came to.pass"[57].

The opening stanza omits the gospel d e t a i l t h a t the r i ch
man dressed in p u r p l e and seems r a t h e r to have been i n s p i r e d by
a n o t h e r saying o f Jesus i n Luke's gospel (XIV.12-14):

Dicebat autem et ei, q u i se i n v i t a v e r a t : Cum f a c is
prandium, aut coenam, n o l i vocare amicos tuos, neque
f r a t r e s tuos, neque cognates, neque v i c i n o s d i v i t e s:
ne f o r t e te et i p s i r e i n v i t e n t , et f i a t t i b i r e t r i b u t i o.
Sed cum f a c i s convivium, voca pauperes, d e b i l e s , claudos, e t caecos:

Et beatus e r i s , quia non habent r e t r i b u e r e t i b i : r e t r i b u e t u r enim t i b i i n r e s u r r e c t i o n e iustorum.

Vulgate.
Then sayde he also t o him t h a t bade him to d i n e r:
When thou makest a d i n e r , or a supper: c a l l not thy
f r e n d e s , nor thy b r e t h r e n , n e t h e r thy kinsmen nor yet
r i c h e neghbours: l e s t they bidde the agayne and make the
recompence. Butt when'thou makest a f e a s t , c a l l the poore,
the maymed, the lame and the b l i n d e , and thou s h a l t be
happy: f o r they cannot recompence the. Butt thou s h a lt
be recompensed at the r e s u r r e c c i o n o f the i u s t e men.
Tyndale, N. T., 1526.

D e s p i t e Tyndale's use of the b a l l a d phrase 'made a f e a s t '[5 8], i t i s n o t c l e a r t h a t the opening stanza of C h i l d 56 r e l i e s on a P r o t e s t a n t bible t r a n s l a t i o n since its t h i r d line uses ' i n v i t e ' , found only i n the Vulgate and i n the C a t h o l i c 'Douay-Rheims' t r a n s l a t i o n of t h i s passage.

V e r s i o n 2 alone of the b a l l a d t e x t s contains a second stanza which merely i n t r o d u c e s Lazarus:
And i t f e l l out upon one day,
.Poor Lazarus he was so poor,
He came and l a i d him down and down,
Evn down a t Diverus' door.

 This redundant stanza has p r o b a b l y been created in oral
t r a d i t i o n under the i n f l u e n c e o f the p e r v a s i v e p a r a l l e l i s m of
the ballad's s t r u c t u r e.
In most texts, the second stanza r e l a t e s that Lazarus pleads for f o o d at Dives' door 59:

Then Lazarus l a i d him down and down
And down a t Dives's door,
'Some meat, some d r i n k , b r o t h e r Dives
Bestow upon the poor.'
D.L. I I s t a . 2.

Some v e r s i o n s omit t h i s stanza. Text 6 ( s t a . 3) has c o n f l a t ed
Lazarus' l y i n g at Dives' door w i t h Dives' answer. Text 13
( s t a s . 2 and 4) c o n f l a t e s the s t a n z a with-Lazarus' s i m i l ar
r e q u e s t s at Dives' w a l l and gate.
The c o r r e c t (because c l i m a c t i c ) order o f t h e begging
stanzas i s t h a t Lazarus begs f i r s t at Dives' door, then a t h is
w a l l , and l a s t l y at h i s gate:
Then Lazarus l a i d him down and down.
And down a t Dives's w a l l,
'Some meat, some d r i n k , b r o t h e r Dives,
Or w i t h hunger starve I s h a l l .'
Then Lazarus l a i d him down and down,.
And down a t Dives' gate,
'Some meat, some d r i n k , b r o t h e r Dives,
For Jesus C h r i s t His sake.'
D. L. I I s t a s . 4, 6.

'Wall' would have rhymed w i t h the s t r o n g form o f ' s h a l l ' from
1400 u n t i l at l e a s t 1700[60]. The London broadsides omit t he
' w a l l ' stanza and i t s r e p l y , as do some t r a d i t i o n a l v e r s i o n s.
'Jesus C h r i s t His sake' i n t h e l a s t l i n e o f t h e 'gate' stanza
has been modernised to 'Jesus C h r i s t ' s sake' i n broadsides V I I ,
X I , X I I I and XIV. A f e a t u r e of t h e Birmingham, Dudley and
Manchester broadsides (IV, V I , V I I - X and XIV) and of text 1 is that the word 'e'en' is s u b s t i t u t e d for 'and' i n the
second l i n e of the begging stanzas.

A c l i m a c t i c s e r i e s of demands, promises or requests is common in the t r a d i t i o n a l ballads[61]. Dives' reply to Lazarus each time uses almost the same words as the beggar's demand, a g a i n , a f r e q u e n t p a t t e r n i n b a l l a d r y [62]. Dives always begins by denying t h a t Lazarus i s h i s b r o t h e r:

'Thou art none o f my b r o t h e r , Lazarus,
That l i e s begging at my w a l l , -
No meat nor d r i n k w i l l I give thee.
But w i t h hunger s t a r v e you s h a l l .'
D.L. I I s t a . 5.

There is s l i g h t l y more v a r i a t i o n in these stanzas. 'None o f my b r o t h e r ' was e v i d e n t l y not always f e l t to be c o r r e c t and i s emended v a r i o u s l y to "Thou a r t none o f mine, b r o t h er Lazarus"[63] , "Thou wert none of my b r e t h r e n as I t e l l thee"[64]
and "Thou a r t no b r o t h e r o f mine, Lazarus[65]. The original phrase is p a r a l l e l e d in a t r a d i t i o n a l text of Lamkin:

'She's none of my comrades.
She's none o f my k i n ...'
  C h i l d 93 D s t a . 24.1-2.

The most common form of the t h i r d l i n e of the r e p l y stanzas 'No meat nor d r i n k w i l l I give thee', but "no meat, no

d r i n k " is a f e a t u r e of the London version[66] and "n e i t h e r meat nor d r i n k" of some Birmingham t e x ts[67].

Lazarus' requests and Dives' r e p l i e s appear to be d e r i v edfrom the Vulgate or b i b l e v e r s i o n s d e r i v e d from i t :
Et e r a t quidem mendicus, nomine Lazarus, qui iacebat
ad ianuam e i u s , u l c e r i b u s plenus, Cupiens s a t u r a ri
de m i c i s , quae cadebant de mensa d i v i . t i s , et nemo.
i l l i dabat.
V u l g a t e , Lk. XVI.20, 21.

The u n d e r l i n e d clause appears i n the Great B i b l e as "and no
manne gave unto him" but i s o m i t t e d from o t h e r s i x t e e n t h century
P r o t e s t a n t t r a n s l a t i o n s and from the A u t h o r i s e d V e r s i o n . In the V u l g a t e version,' then. Dives seems a c t i v e l y harsh, r a t h er
than merely i n d i f f e r e n t , and t h i s may have suggested t he
b a l l a d d i a l o g u e.
The b a l l a d a m p l i f i e s the gospel n a r r a t i v e so t h at
Lazarus l i e s at Dives' door and w a l l as w e l l as h i s gate. The
appeal " f o r Jesus C h r i s t His sake", which i s then denied,
emphasises Dives' c r u e l t y and is perhaps d e l i b e r a t e ly r e m i n i s c e n t of o t h e r gospel passages[68].

Dives' c r u e l t y i s n o t c o n f i n e d t o words:
Then Dives sent out h i s merry men
To whip poor Lazarus away
But they had no power t o s t r i k e a s t r o ke
And f l u n g t h e i r whips away.
D.L. I I s t a . 8.

The London broadsides have "merry men a l l " , w h i l s t in the
Manchester broadside, XIV, Dives sends out h i s "servants";
i n v e r s i o n X, he sends out "savage men". 'Merry men' i s
l i k e l y t o be o r i g i n a l , since i t i s a c o n v e n t i o n a l term for. a
man's r e t a i n e r s i n t r a d i t i o n a l b a l l a d s[69].

There are no men w i t h whips i n t h e gospel parable and
the d e t a i l may have been suggested by the savage treatment
meted out t o beggars and v a g r a n t s i n t h e s i x t e e n t h century:
Henry V I I I ' s poor law o f 1531 ordered beggars able to work to be whipped and f u r t h e r harsh acts were passed in subsequent r e i g n s[70]. I t i s j u s t p o s s i b l e t h a t Dives and Lazarus was composed p a r t l y i n p r o t e s t against these laws.

I n Luke's gospel (XVI.21), the dogs come out and l i c k Lazarus' sores,- a graphic d e t a i l which emphasises the beggar's p l i g h t. In t h e b a l l a d , the dogs act c h a r i t a b l y a f t e r they, l i k e the men w i t h whips, have been m i r a c u l o u s l y deprived of
the power t o harm:

Then Dives sent out h i s hungry dogs
To b i t e him as he l a y.
But they had no power to b i t e at a l l
So l i c k e d h i s sores away.
D.L. I I s t a . 9.

V a r i a t i o n s i n t h i s stanza help to e s t a b l i s h the r e l a t i o n s h ip between the t e x t s . "To worry poor Lazarus away" i s found, i n s t e a d of the second l i n e quoted, i n v e r s i o n s XI - X I II
( f r o m London), 2^ (Monmouth), and 2 ( H e r e f o r d s h i r e ) ; s i m i lar terms are found i n W o r c e s t e r s h i r e t e x t 1 and i n American 14[71]. The t h i r d l i n e of the stanza sometimes p a r a l l e l s t h a t of the p r e v i o u s stanza: "they had not power t o b i t e one b i t e " is
found i n t e x t s V I , XV, 1, 2, 7 and 13 and " b i t e one b i t " in the London broadsides [72]. "Worry poor Lazarus away" and " b i te
one b i t e " were p r o b a b l y , t h e r e f o r e , i n the p o s i t e d 'older
London v e r s i o n '.

'Abraham's bosom' (Luke XVI.22) does not appear i n the
b a l l a d . According to C a t h o l i c o p i n i o n , 'Abraham's bosom' was
e i t h e r the limbo f o r those who died before C h r i s t , or an
i n t e r m e d i a t e s t a t e f o r b l e s s e d souls between death and judgment
By the s i x t e e n t h c e n t u r y , however, the term was o f t e n used
as a synonym f o r 'heaven', perhaps because of the p o p u l a r i ty
o f p a i n t i n g s o f the s t o r y as an i l l u s t r a t i o n of rewards and
74
punishments i n the a f t e r - l i f e . In the b a l l a d , Lazarus is
t a k e n to heaven by angels:
As i t f e l l out upon a day,
Poor Lazarus sickened and died.
There came two angels out of heaven.
His soul t h e r e i n to guide.
D.L. I l l sta. 10.
Texts I I _ , XI and 14 have only one angel, but t h i s i s probably
a l a t e r c o r r e c t i o n based on the angels' speech i n the next
stanza, 'Come along w i t h me': i n Luke's gospel, Lazarus'
s o u l i s borne by more than one angel-, and two angels are f r e q u e n t l y depicted b e a r i n g the s o u l s of the dead in e a r l y and l a t e medieval a r t[75].

The b a l l a d diverges from the gospel i n p r o v i d i n g o t h e r -w o r l d messengers f o r Dives as w e l l:

As i t f e l l out upon a day,
Rich Dives sickened and d i e d,
There came two serpents out o f h e l l
His soul t h e r e i n t o guide.
D.L. I l l s t a . 12.

Broadside 11^ has o n l y one serpent. Manchester broadside XIVb
e r r o n e o u s l y replaces 'serpents' w i t h 'servants'.
Medieval exempla often describe d e v i l s c a r r y i n g off the s o u l s of s i n n e r s[76]. The serpent, f o l l o w i n g the s t o r y of Adam's f a l l [77], has l o n g been regarded as a symbol of the d e v i l [78] and i n a d d i t i o n i s a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the c o r r u p t i o n of the grave[79]. The t r a d i t i o n of the hell-messenger i s preserved i n another t r a d i t i o n a l b a l l a d , Sweet W i l l i a m ' s Ghost:

'What t h r e e t h i n g s are these, sweet William,' she says,
'That stands here at your f e e t ?'
. ' I t i s t h r e e h e l l - h o u n d s , M a r j o r i e , ' he says,
' T h a t ' s - w a i t i n g my soul t o keep.'
C h i l d 77 C s t a . 13.
T h i s p a r t i c u l a r b a l l a d preserves other medieval t r a d i t i o n s about
death. Motherwell remembered a stanza he had heard sung
80
c o n c e r n i n g the narrowness of the grave :
'My meikle tae i s my g a v i l - p o s t,
My nose i s my r o o f - t r e e.
My r i b s are kebars to my house,
And there i s nae room f o r thee.'
These stanzas suggest that Wimberly's famous study of the
b a l l a d revenant takes i n s u f f i c i e n t account of the s t r e n g t h of
81
medieval C h r i s t i a n ideas on death
H a i l i n g Lazarus as t h e i r b r o t h e r , the angels t e l l him:

'Rise up, r i s e up, b r o t h e r Lazarus,
And come along w i t h me,
For there's a place i n heaven p r o v i d ed
To s i t on an Angel's knee.'
D.L. I I s t a . 1 1.
This stanza i s one form o f a b a l l a d commonplace
make Dives a d i f f e r e n t promise:
'Rise up, r i s e up, b r o t h e r Dives,
And come along w i t h me.
For there's a p l a c e i n h e l l provided
To s i t on a serpent's knee.'
D.L. I I s t a . 13.
The 'serpent's knee' i s p r e s e r v e d , o f t e n w i t h the word 'provided'
8 3
i n the o l d e s t broadsides . I t seems probable t h a t the f i n a l
l i n e s o f t h e 'summoning' stanzas were o r i g i n a l l y 'To s i t at
Our Saviour's knee' and 'To s i t a t Satan's knee', since these
were common Middle E n g l i s h idioms. Margery Kempe i s assured
84
by the V i r g i n Mary i n one o f h e r v i s i o n s :
'A, dowter, b l y s s i d may thow be, t h i sete i s mad
i n Heuyn b e - f o r my Sonys kne ..."
I n Sweet W i l l i a m ' s Ghost, Margaret i s t o l d t h a t women s u i c i d es
go t o h e l l , "Just by t h e d e v i l ' s knee", v / h i l s t unbaptised
8 5
c h i l d r e n go t o heaven, "Just by Our Saviour's knee".
V a r i a t i o n s i n t h e 'summoning' stanzas of.Dives and
Lazarus have been prompted by the l u d i c r o u s nature o f t h e angel's
or serpent's knee and by the discrepancy of tv/o messengers
s a y i n g , 'Come along w i t h me'. The o l d e s t Birmingham and
London broadsides s u b s t i t u t e 'v/e' f o r 'me'^^. The Manchester
v e r s i o n s s u b s t i t u t e e n t i r e new second l i n e s : "For i n heaven
thou soon Shalt be", "Thine heavenly guides are we" and "Thy
87
e v i l guides are we"
88
For the "angel's knee" , s e v e r a l Birmingham broadsides
89
s u b s t i t u t e the l i n e , " i n angels' company" ,

Birmingham broadsides
 w h i l s t the London
v e r s i o n s have, "For p o o r men such as thee'[90].

The summons t o h e l l has been r e w r i t t e n i n some Birmingham
91
t e x t s :
'Rise up, r i s e up, b r o t h e r Dives,
And go w i t h us t o see,
A dismal place prepared i n h e l l .
From which thou canst not f l e e .'
D.L. I l l s t a . 13.
I n the London broadsides {XI - X I I I ) , the summons t o h e l l i s
the f i n a l stanza and has been emended:
'Rise up, r i s e up, b r o t h e r Dives,
And come along w i t h us.
There i s a p l a c e prepar'd i n h e l l .
To t h y e t e r n a l curse.'
D.L. XI s t a . 1 1.
T r a d i t i o n a l t e x t 2 adds t o a stanza which c o n t a i n s the 'serpent's
knee' these two l i n e s from a remodelled stanza:
There i s a place p r o v i d e d i n H e l l
- F or wicke.d men l i k e thee.
D.L. 2 s t a . 11.1-2.
V e r s i o n 13 ( s t a . 8.3-4) c o n t a i n s s i m i l a r l i n e s.
From h i s p l a c e i n h e l l . Dives requests water:
Then Diyes looked up w i t h h i s eyes.
And saw poor Lazarus b l e s t,
'Give me' one drop of w a t e r , b r o t h e r Lazarus,
To quench my f l a m i n g t h i r s t .'
D.L. I l l ' s t a . 14.
The rhyme would be improved i f ' t h i r s t ' was pronounced with
m e t a t h e s i s o f ' r ' as i t o f t e n was i n t h e f i f t e e n t h and s i x t e e n th
92
c e n t u r i e s . I n some t e x t s Dives' eyes are d e s c r i b e d as
93
" s t r e a m i n g " , " b u r n i n g " o r "heavy" . The b a l l a d has d e l i b e r a t e ly
adapted the g o s p e l s t o r y so t h a t Dives pleads f o r 'one drop'
o f water. Dives' new-found h u m i l i t y i s t e r r i b l e , f o r i t
emphasises h i s p a i n . I t a l s o reminds us t h a t Lazarus e a r l i er
asked i n v a i n f o r 'meat and d r i n k ' and t h a t Dives has o f h i s
own f r e e w i l l forgone the reward o f f e r e d by C h r i s t t o those who
g i v e h i s f o l l o w e r s even so much as a cup o f c o l d water[94].

The b a l l a d maker d r i v e s home the message of the b a l l ad
by a s k i l f u l use of the word 'brother'. E a r l i e r , Lazarus
had c a l l e d Dives 'brother', but Dives had c r u e l l y disowned
him. Now Dives claims Lazarus as h i s b r o t h e r i n v a i n : i t i s •
not Lazarus, but the serpents, who c a l l Dives t h e i r b r o t h e r,
j u s t as the angels c l a i m Lazarus as t h e i r b r o t h e r . . This
p a t t e r n , w i t h the l a c k of a s a t i s f a c t o r y ending to the present
b a l l a d , suggests t h a t the u r - b a l l a d of Dives and Lazarus may
have c o n t a i n e d a stanza i n which Lazarus refused Dives'
r e q u e s t w i t h the words, 'Thou are none of my b r o t h e r , Dives.'
The parable i n Luke's gospel ends w i t h a c o n v e r s a t i on
between the r i c h man and Abraham concerning the s a l v a t i o n of
the damned man's f i v e b r o t h e r s and the g u l f s e p a r a t i n g the
r i g h t e o u s from the u n r i g h t e o u s . I n the s i x t e e n t h century,
P r o t e s t a n t s saw i n t h i s dialogue a d e n i a l of the d o c t r i n es
95
o f p u r g a t o r y and prayers f o r the dead , w h i l s t C a t h o l i cs
argued t h a t , i f a damned man s t i l l cared f o r h i s b r o t h e r s , .
much more would the s a i n t s i n t e r c e d e f o r the l i v i n g f a i t h f u l ^ ^.
Dives and Lazarus, d e p a r t i n g from the gospel account, ends
u n c o n t r o v e r s i a l l y w i t h Dives' r e f l e c t i o n s on the e t e r n i t y of
punishment he has earned by h i s hardness of h e a r t:
'Oh had I as many years t o abide
As there are blades of grass.
Then there would be an ending day
But i n h e l l I must ever l a s t .'
D.L. I I s t a . 15.
I n the modernised Birmingham broadsides the l a s t two l i n es
97
o f the stanza are :
'Then there would be an end, but now
H e l l ' s pains w i l l ne'er be past.'
V e r s i o n s V I I and 3 emend the l a s t l i n e to -obtain a p e r f e ct
rhyme: " H e l l ' s pains w i l l never pass"; XlVa has "But now I forever am f a s t " and XIVb, "But here I f o r e v e r am cast"[98].
T r a d i t i o n a l text 11 has a stanza of i n c r e m e n t a l r e p e t i t i o n,
p o s s i b l y q u i t e o l d :
(an ending day)
' I f I had as many years t o abide
As there are s t a r s i n the s k i es
Then I should have unending day
But i n h e l l f o r ever must l i e . '
D.L. 11 s t a . 2.

Text 2, c o r r u p t at t h i s p o i n t , has a moral:

'Who had they as many years to live
As there i s blades of grass,'
I would be good unto the poor
As long as l i f e would l a s t .'
D.L. 2 s t a . 12.

The p r e c i s e moral of the present b a l l a d i s u n c e r t a i n:
Dives wishes h i m s e l f a l i v e f o r h a l f an hour so t h a t by h i s
a c t i o n s , he may avoid h e l l . The stanza was probably i n s p i r ed
by the gospel account, i n which the r i c h man t e l l s Abraham
t h a t i f someone r e t u r n e d from the dead, h i s f i v e b r o t h e rs
v^fould r e p e n t . The meaning o f t h i s verse (Luke XVI.30) d i f f e rs
i n C a t h o l i c and P r o t e s t a n t sources. The Vulgate has:
At i l l e d i x i t , Non, p a t e r Abraham; sed s i q u is
ex m o r t u i s i e r i t ad eos, p o e n i t e n t i a m agent.

The C a t h o l i c 'Douay-Rheims' v e r s i o n l i k e wi s e has "they w i l l
doe penance"; P r o t e s t a n t t r a n s l a t i o n s have "they w i l l repent
o r "they w i l l amend t h e i r lives""*"*^^.
I n the l a s t stanza of the o l d e s t broadsides, I ^ and XV,
a p r a c t i c a l s o l u t i o n i s proposed"''*^"'':
'Ohl was I now but a l i v e again.
For the space o f one h a l f hour,
I would make my w i l l and then secure
That the d e v i l should have no power.'
D.L. I I s t a . 1.6.
C o n t r a r y t o Husk's o p i n i o n , however, i t has never been C h r i s t i an
d o c t r i n e t h a t "the d e v o t i o n o f w o r l d l y goods t o p i o u s or
c h a r i t a b l e uses s u f f i c e d to a v e r t f u t u r e punishment"[102] , though

medieval testators did thus bequeath money and goods i n the
103
hope of shortening the pains of purgatory . To escape h e l l,
however, a man must repent vvhile i n l i f e . Lazarus of Bethany
104
i n the Towneley Plays, warns :
... i f a l l the goode that euer thou gate
. were delt f o r the a f t e r t h i day.
I n heuen i t wolde not mende t h i s t a t e,
f f o r t h ! amende the w h i l s thou may.
The o r i g i n a l meaning of the l a s t two l i n e s of the b a l l ad
may be preserved i n Wood's broadside"^^^:
' I ' d make my peace and so secure
That the d e v i l shou'd have no pow'r.'
D.L. VI sta. 16.3-4.
Some s l i g h t emendation may have been made here since 'secure'
106
i s not recorded as a verb before the e a r l y seventeenth century"^^"
However, 'make one's peace' i s used i n a fourteenth century
107
poem on penance by William of Shoreham :
The bydde i c h , brother, be naught l o th
To do penaunce here
For yet ther hys here som reles ...
... Make thy pes wyth a l l e thre
Sorwe, s c h r y f t e , and edbote.
I t would c e r t a i n l y be possible f o r Dives to reconcile himself
w i t h God i n h a l f an hour through c o n t r i t i o n , confession and
penance. I f t h i s was indeed the o r i g i n a l ending of the b a l l ad
then i t was composed e i t h e r by a Catholic (perhaps before the
Reformation) or by someone imbued w i t h the o l d ways of thought.
This theory of composition i s consistent w i t h the ballad's
use of m i r a c l e .
Dives' l a s t thought was not understood by the nineteenth
century and the modernised broadsides turn Dives' proposal i n t o an expression of r e g r e t , such as, "Oh! t h a t I'd made my peace secure"[108] . The vagueness of the l a s t two l i n e s , even in Wood's version i s somewhat a n t i - c l i m a t i c . This q u a l i ty has prompted two oral versions of Dives and Lazarus to borrow commonplace stanzas from other carols. The relevance of one of these stanzas i s obvious:

'Oh h e l l i s dark, oh h e l l i s deep,
Oh h e l l i s f u l l of mice.
I t i s a p i t y that any poor s i n f u l soul
Should depart from Our Saviour Christ.'
D.L. 4 sta. 3.

The correct form of t h i s stanza is not known. It is found in several carols from oral t r a d i t i o n , including a gypsy version
of The Holy Well[109].

The other attached commonplace stanzas.indicate the use
of Dives and Lazarus as a Christmas carol[110]:
And now my carol's ended
No longer can I stay;
God bless you a l l both great and small,
And God send you a happy New Year.
D.L. 4 sta. 4.

This commonplace, w i t h the addition of the word 'here' to the second l i n e , i s found i n a gypsy version of The B i t t e r Withy, w h i l s t a May carol from o r a l t r a d i t i o n includes the same stanza w i t h the l a s t l i n e : " I wish you a j o y f u l M a y.

Despite the "ludicrous e f f e c t"[112] of the serpent's knee, the heavy p a r a l l e l i s m of the ballad's s t r u c t u r e adds a f i t t i ng a i r of solemnity to Dives and Lazarus, w h i l s t the use of s c r i p t u r a l a l l u s i o n and irony, and the l y r i c horror of Dives' r e f l e c t i o n s on hell emphasise successfully the stark message of the b a l l a d:  the eternal punishment that awaits the uncharitable soul.

NOTES TO CHAPTER EIGHT

1. D.N.B., XXV, p.340.
2. P. Morgan, Warwicks. Printers' Notices, p.xi.
3. See below, Appendix A, C.T.C. XI, X I I and 2 ^ .
4. Hone, Anc. Mysteries Described, p.97. J. Evans and Co., p r o l i f ic
printers of carols, were appointed o f f i c i a l printers for the
'Cheap Repository Tract' project from November 1797 t i l l September
1798: see L. Shepard, John P i t t s , Ballad Printer of Seven Dials,
London 1765-1844, London, 1969, p.32.
5. Ibid., p.44.
6. D.N.B., IX, p.321.
7. See E. F. Rimbault's note i n Notes and Queries, 4th series, I I I
(1869), p.157.
8. Birmingham Library 60338 at p.85, e n t i t l e d 'Three New Carols for
Christmas' and .bearing the imprint 'S. Martin, Printer, Ann-street,
Birmingham'; the carol for St. John's day i s printed on pp.4-5
of the chapbook. For further details, see above, Chapter Five,
note 2 and below. Appendix K and Bibliography, Section I .
9. A version sung by Bud Bush of New Hampshire at a West Virginia folk festival is printed by M. E. J. Bush, Folk Songs of Central West Virginia, 2 vols., Ravenswood, W.Va., 1969 and 1970, I , pp.41-44 and has been excluded from Appendix E, since it almost certainly was not learned from folk t r a d i t i on; D. L. 14, sung by Aunt Mary Wilson of Gilmer County, W. Va., has been included in Appendix E because of the slight chance that the version has survived in American folk tradition.
10. See Bronson, Trad. Tunes, I I , no.56, Appendix, (variants 9 - 13);
texts of t h i s 'secondary ballad' are l i s t e d by Coffin and Renwick,
B r i t i s h Trad. Ballad i n North America, pp.61-62, 228.
11. E.g. see the rewritten version of The Carnal and the Crane, above.
Chapter 5, pp.101-103 and the rewritten version of Child 81,
'A Lamentable Ballad of the L i t t l e Musgrove and the Lady Barnet'
(c.1675) i n R.B. , VI, Pt. I l l , pp.633-4 (Rollins, Index i n S.P.,
XXI, no.1508).
12. Rollins, Index, (S.P., XXI) no.2293; Arber, Transcript, I , p.76.
13. Rollins, Index, no.614; Arber, Transcript, I , p.436.
14. Compare Pekering's ballads l i s t e d by Rollins, Index, nos.739, 1204
and 1215 with ballads by John Wally and Mrs. Toy, l i s t e d by Rollins,
Index, nos.738, 1203 and 1214; Pekering's ballad in Rollins, Index,
no.2612 i s a moralisation of Mrs. Toy's ballad, Rollins, Index,
no.2611. See also Arber, Transcript, I , pp.75-76, 78 and 262.
15. A Compendious Book, pp.40-42 and a note on p.248: this song follows
the bible narrative closely and does not use the name 'Dives'.

16. Rollins, Index, no.565; Arber, Transcript, IV. p.132.
17. Rollins, Index, no.2589; Arber, Transcript, I I , p.376; i f t h is
was indeed but one ballad, the second part may have included
stanzas from Child 56.
18. Rollins, Index, no.1757; Arber, Transcript, I I , p.427.
19. Arber, Transcript,. I l l , p.155; listed as a ballad by Mackey,'
Med. Saints' Lives, Appendix V, p.250.
20. D.N.B., LVII, p.136, 'Humphrey Toy'.
21. C.H. Timperley, A Dictionary of Printers and Printing, London,
1839, p.324,
22. Arber, Transcript, I , p.xxix.
23. Ibid. , p . x x v i i i.
24. Ibid., pp.75-76.
25. 'A b a l l e t t of Thomalyn', Rollins, Index, no.2665, may be the same
as the dance mentioned i n The Complaynt of Scotland, p.52;
'Wakefylde and. a grene', Rollins, Index, no.2829, may be a forerunner
of Child 124 (see Rollins, Index, no.1308).
26. Rollins, Index, no.24.
27. Arber, Transcript, I , p.xxix.
28. Ibid., p.441; Rollins, Index, no.177.
29. Some of Pekering's religious ballads are l i s t e d i n Rollins, Index,
nos. 12, 679, 1379, 2525, 2585 and 2586. For a f u l l l i s t of
religious ballads i n the Stationers' Register, see Mackey,
Med. Saints' Lives, Appendix V, pp.248-251.
30. See W.W. Greg, A Companion to Arber, Being a Calendar of Documents
i n Edward Arber's Transcript of the Registers of the Company of
Stationers of London, 1554-1640, Oxford, 1967, pp.8-13, nos.31-51.
31. For Carr, see Rollins, Index, nos.62 and 2478 and f o r Jones, i b i d .,
nos..l229, 1259, 1260, 1326 (Arber, Transcript, I I , pp.397, 385, 429,
462, 436 and 456.)
32. A facsimile of Thackeray's catalogue i s given between pp.20 and 21
i n Shepard, P i t t s , Ballad Printer; the contents of the catalogue
are l i s t e d in The Bagford Ballads, ed. J.W. Ebsworth, Hertford,
1878, f i r s t division, p p . l i v - l x x v i,
33.. Ebsworth, I b i d . , p . l i i i ; Chappell, R.B., I , p.xxvii (1689).
34. The Concise Oxford Dictionary of English Literature, Oxford,
. 1939, p.181.
35. The IVorks of Francis Beaumont and John Fletcher, ed. A. Glover and
A.R. Waller, 10 vols. , Cambridge, 1905-1912, IV (ed. Waller, 1906),
p.136. Lines are not numbered in t h i s edition, but lines quoted
occur at lines 24-28, 29-30 on the page.

36. Ibid. , p.138, line 10: Thomas mentions 'The Duke of Northumberland',
perhaps the ballad licensed to Edward White, 1'August 1586, entitled
'the f a l l of therle of Northumberland yat k i l l e d him s e l f in ye
Tower', Rollins, Index, no.850.
37. The Rose of England (Child 166) may date from the early sixteenth
century: see E.S.P.B., I I I , p.332. A ballad concerning the Fourth
Duke of Norfolk was licensed to Alexander Lacy i n 1565-66: Rollins,
Index, no.1242.
38. Beaumont and Fletcher, Works, X (ed. Waller, 1912), Act IV, scene i ,
p.181, lines 21-23.
39. Rollins, Index, nos. 2360 and 2361.
40. R.B., I I , p..491 ( t i t l e ) ; printed for J. Wright.
41. Ibid. , p.492, F i r s t Part, sta. 5; cf. Lyrics X I I I , no.29, lines 29
- 30 and Lyrics XV, no.156, line 34. Woolf, English Relig. Lyrics,
p.84 calls the concept of the grave as a narrow house a "favourite
commonplace" of medieval t r a d i t i o n.
42. R.B., I I , p.494, Second Part, sta. 9.1-2.
43. Rollins, Index, no.1492; on John Vicars, see D.N.B., L V I I I,
pp.298-299.
44. R.B. , V I I , P t . I I , p.812, stas. 8 and 9; printed for J. Clarke,
W. Thackeray and T. Passenger.
45. E.g. D.L. VI sta. 14.3.
46. Printed by W. Sandys, Christmas Carols Ancient and Modern, London,
1833, pp.xx-xxi from B r i t . Mus. Harl. MS. 5931 (a collection of
handbills).
47. Sandys, Christmas Carols, p.xx, note and see Chambers, Med. Stage,
I I , p.159 for an account of other performances of 'The Creation of
the World'. " .
48. See T.S.R. Boase, Death i n the Middle Ages, London, 1972, pp.28-32
for a discussion of representations of the parable i n churches and
illuminated MSS. from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries.
49. The Two Books of Homilies appointed to be read i n Churches, ed.
J. G r i f f i t h s , Oxford, 1859, p . x l v i i.
50. . Henry IV, Pt. I , H I . i i i . 2 9 - 3 2.
•51. Henry IV, Pt. I . IV.ii.24-26.
52. Dobson, English Pronunciation 1500-1700, I I , para.8, pp.473-474.
Ben Jonson rhymes 'feast' with 'dressed' i n 'Song from "The Silent
Woman" ', lines 1-2 and Richard Barnfield (1574-1627) rhymes 'feast'
with 'guest' i n 'A Comparison of the Life of Man', lines 1 and 3:
see The Penguin Book of Elizabethan Verse, ed. E. Lucie-Smith,
Harmondsworth, 1965, pp.169 and 45.
53. E.g. 'The Erie of Tolous', lines 22, 181 and 'Eger and Grime', line.
467 i n French and Hale, M.E. Metrical Romances, pp.384, 389, 939.

54. E.g. Child 61 sta.. 4.1 (Percy MS.); 39 A stas. 22.3, 23.1;
53 C sta. 14.1; 103 A sta. 17.1.
55. Biblia Sacra Vulgatae editionis S i x t i V et Clementis V I I I,
(ed. C. Vercellone), Rome, 1861, Lk. XVI.16, 22.
56. The New Testament, transd. William Tyndale, Worms, 1526, facsimile
reproduction, London, 1976; The Bible in Englyshe of the Largest
and Greatest Volume, London, 1541 (Fourth "Great Bible", third
with Cranmer's Preface). (Lk, XVI.22).
57. The New Testament of Jesus Christ, f a i t h f u l l y translated inbo English
... by the English College, then resident at Rheims, set forth the
second time by the same college, now returned to Doway, Antv/erp,
1600; The Holy Bible, Authorised King James Version (1611),
London, n,d. (Lk. XVI.22).
58. 'Makest a feast', found i n a l l other sixteenth century bible
translations consulted, and i n the Authorised Version, i s , after
a l l , an idiomatic translation of the Vulgate 'facis convivium';
'made a feste' might i n any case be a tag phrase, since i t occurs
i n Lybeaus Desconus (Lambeth MS.), line 1020, p.137.
59. For the d i s t r i b u t i o n and position of particular stanzas i n the
D.L. texts, see below, Appendix E, description of texts. Only
significant variations are noted i n Chapter Eight,
60. On M.E, au and l a t e r [T?:]: see Dobson, English Pronunciation
1500 - 1700, I I , para.4, p,456 and para.60, p.553.
61. E.g. Child 32 stas. 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17; 35 stas. 3, 5, 6;
93 A stas. 2, 3.
62. E.g. Child 72 A stas. 7, 8; 77 A stas. 2, 3; 100 A stas. 2, 3.
63. D.L. 1 stas, 4.1, 6.1, 8.1.
64. D.L. 2 sta. 3.1.
65. D.L. XIa. sta. 5.1; Xlb, £ and d stas. 3.1 and 5.1.
66. See sta. 3.3 of London texts XI, XII_, X I I I and also of Manchester
broadside XIV and of text 13 (source unknown).
67. See sta. 5.3 of D.L.IV and VI - X and also of Manchester boradside
XIV.
68. E.g. Matt. XXV.31-46 (parable of the sheep and the goats);
Matt. X.40.
69. E.g. Child 58 A sta. 6.1; 100 A sta. 8.1; 102 A sta. 11.1;
110 B sta. 18.1.
70. See P.J. Helm, England under the Yorkists and Tudors, 1471-1603
(Bell Modern Histories), London, 1968, pp.307-310,
71. See D.L. XI - X I I I sta. 7.2, )(V sta, 9.2, 2 sta. 6.2; D.L. 1
sta. 10.2 has 'bite' and D.L. 14 sta. 4.2 'drive poor Lazarus away'.

72.
73,
74.
See D.L. VI and XV sta. 9.3; 1 sta. 10.3; 2 sta. 4.3; 7 sta. 7.3;
13 sta. 6.3; and D.L. XI - X I I I sta. 7.3.
See note at Lk. XVI.22-23 i n the Douay-Rheims N.T. (written 1582)
and also Boase, Death i n the Middle Ages, p.28.
I b i d . , pp.39-42, 53; cf. Shakespeare, Richard I I , IV.iv.103-104.
and Richard I I I , I V . i i i . 3 8.
75. See Boase, Death i n the Middle Ages, i l l u s t r a t i o n s no.30 and 31
(twelfth and f i f t e e n t h centuries); N.C.E., V I , p.1004, (tenth century
MS. illumination, under ' h e l l ' ).
76. E.g. F.C. Tubach, Index Exemplorum: A Handbook of Medieval Religious
Tales (Folklore Fellows Communications, LXXXVI no.204), Helsinki,
1969, nos.4536 and 4548; An Alphabet of Tales, ed. M. Macleod Banks,
(E.E.T.S., O.S. 126 and 127), London, 1904-1905, pp.183-184, no.264.
77. Genesis I I I . 1 - 5 , 13-15; cf. Revelation XII.7-9.
78. G. Ferguson, Signs and Symbols i n Christian Art, New York, 1966,
pp.16-17; the d e v i l appears as a serpent i n Tubach, Index
Exemplorum, nos. 1143 and 1557.
79. Ibid., nos. 4252 and 4260; see also i l l u s t r a t i o n 90 of Boase,
Death i n the Middle Ages.
80. E.S.P.B., I I , p.226; see above, note 41.
81. L.C. Wimberly, Folklore in the English and Scottish Ballads,
New York, 1928, reprinted with new bibliography 1959, on pp.228-229
derives ballad ideas on death from a primitive culture and (p.236)
dismisses references to h e l l in Child 77 as "nothing m.ore . .. than
the intrusion of Christian thought into an otherwise pagan story".
82. See Child 173 B stas. 4, 6, 8 and cf. Child 7_B stas. 1, 2 and
107 A sta. 11.
83. See sta. 13.3-4 of D.L. I I , VI, XIV, XV; also I sta. 2. 3-4;
1 sta. 14.4; 2 sta. 10.3-4; 10 sta. 4.3-4.
84. Book of Margery Kempe, p.20, lines 20-21; with very l i t t le
emendati.on, this could be made into a ballad stanza.
85. Child 77 D stas. 6.2 and 8.2
86. D.L. VI Stas. 11.2, 13.2; Xlla sta. 9.2; also D.L. 2 stas. 8.2,
10.2;. cf. Child 158 B sta. 15.4.
87. D.L. XIV sta. 11.2; D.L. 10 sta. 2,2; D.L. XIV sta. 13.2 and
cf. 10 sta. 4.2.
88. Found i n sta. 11.4 of D.L. I I , I I I , VI, XIV, XV and 3; also
D.L. 1 sta. 12.4; 2 sta. 8.4; 6 sta. 7.4; 7 sta. 10.4;
10 sta. 2,4.
89. D.L. IV, V, V I I and IX sta. 11.4 and X sta. 10.4.
90. D.L. XI - X I I I sta. 9.4.

91. See D.L, I I I - V and V I I - IX sta, 13 and X sta,. 12.
92. See Dobson, English Pronunciation. 1500-1700, I , p.45; the
spelling 'threste' occurs i n the f i f t e e n t h century Alphabet of
Tales, p.200, line 26.
93. D.L. X sta. 13.1; 3 sta. 14.1; 7 sta. 13.1.
94. Matt. X.42; cf. Mk. IX.41.
95. Homilies, p.336, 'The Third Part of the sermon concerning Prayer'
(1560).
96. See note at Lk. XVI.27-31 of Douay-Rheims N.T.
97. Sta. 15.3-4 of texts I I I - V, V I I I and IX; X sta, 14,3-4,
98. D,L. V I I sta. 13,4; sta, 15,4 of 3 and XlVa, b,
99. Fourth Great Bible; Authorised Version; cf. Tyndale, N.T., 1526.
100. The Geneva Bible (a facsimile of the 1560 e d i t i o n ) , Madison,
U.S.A., 1969.
101, D.L. I I , }(V sta. 16.3-4; cf. 4 sta. 3.3-4.
102. Husk, Nativity, p.94 (introduction to D.L.)
103, R.W. Southern, Western Society and the Church i n the Middle Ages,
Harmondsworth, 1970, pp.290-291.
104, Towneley Plays, XXXI, p.392, lines 186-189.
105, See also sta. 16.3-4 of D.L, XIV and 3; cf. the corrupt D.L, 7
sta. 15.3.
106. 0.E;D. , V I I I , Pt, I I , p.368, 'secure', vb.
107. The Poems of William of Shoreham, AB. 1320 Vicar of Chart-Sutton,
ed. M. Konrath (E.E.T.S., E.S. 86), London, 1902, 'The Seven
Sacraments' 1.4: 'Penance', pp,38-39, lines 1065-1067, 1077-1078.
108,
109.
See sta. 16.3 of D.L. I l l - V, V I I I , IX; also VII sta. 14.3 and
X sta. 15.3.
H.W. 4 sta, 8; Burne, Shropshire Folklore, I I , p.565, 'Christ made
a trance', sta. 7; Brice, Folk Carol, p.127, 'There i s six good
days a l l i n a week', sta. 5.
110. See also the note by the contributor of D.L. 1, on carol singing in
Worcs,, i n Notes and Queries, 4th Series, I I I (1869), p.75,
111. B,W, 20 sta, 10; Oxford Carols no,47 sta, 5.
112. Hone, Anc. Mysteries Described, p.95.
 

APPENDIX E
VARIANTS OF 'DIVES AND LAZARUS' (CHILD 56)
Key t o the Description of Texts
A: Dives holds a feast.
B: As i t f e l l out upon one day, Lazarus lay down a t Dives' door.
C: Lazarus pleads f o r meat and d r i n k at Dives' door.
D:. Dives r e p l i e s that he w i l l not bestow meat or d r i n k on the poor.
E: Lazarus pleads f o r meat and d r i n k at Dives' w a l l.
F: Dives r e p l i e s that Lazarus ust starve for hunger.
G: Lazarus pleads f o r meat and d r i n k at Dives' gate.
H: Dives r e p l i e s that he w i l l give no meat or d r i n k for Christ's sake.
J: Dives sends out h i s men, but they f l i n g t h e i r whips away.
K: Dives "sends out h i s dogs, but they l i c k Lazarus' sores.
L: Lazarus dies; angels from heaven a r r i v e.
M: Angels summon Lazarus to h i s place i n heaven (stanzas vary).
N: Dives dies; serpents from h e l l a r r i v e.
P: Serpents summon Dives to h i s place i n h e l l (stanzas v a r y ).
Q: Dives pleads from h e l l f o r a drop of water. .
R: Dives compares the eternal duration of h e l l to blades of grass.
S: Dives compares the eternal duration of h e l l to s t a r s i n the sky.
T: Dives wishes he were a l i v e again f o r h a l f an hour.
U: Carol commonplace, beg. "0 H e l l i s dark, 0 h e l l i s deep".
U l : Carol commonplace, beg. "And riow my carol's ended".
U2: Carol commonplace, beg. "At merry Christmas time".
______________

(a) BROADSIDE TEXTS OF 'DIVES AND LAZARUS'

I. HONE
( U n t i t l e d)
Source: Hone, Anc. Mysteries Described, p.95, quoted
as an example o f a c a r o l sung by "a Warwickshir
e chanter ... solemnly l i s t e n e d t o by
the well disposed crowd"; this probably indicates a s e l l e r of broadsides a d v e r t i s i ng
h i s wares; on p.97 o f Anc. Mysteries Described,
Hone quotes the f i r s t two l i n e s of D.L. i n h is
l i s t of c a r o l s annually p r i n t e d i n h i s
possession; collations of D.L.I, are given
i n E.S.P.B., I I , p.12 (B).
Date:
Description of t e x t :
(1823).
2 stas. N - P.

II. HUSK (Child 56 A.b.)
•D.L.•
Source: Husk, N a t i v i t y , pp.94-97,
copy p r i n t e d at Worcester
"given
i n the
from
l a st
a sheet
century".
Date: Eighteenth century.
Description of t e x t : 16 s t a s . , A - C - D - E - F - G  - H - J - K- L - M - N - P - Q - R -T

III a . SYLVESTER (Child 56 A.a.)
'D.L.'
Source:
Date:
Sylvester, Garland, pp.50-54, "reprinted ..
from an o l d Birmingham broadside".
(1861).
Description of t e x t : 16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
11lb . • SANDYS
'D.L.•
Source:
Date;
Description of t e x t ;
Sandys, Notes and Queries, 4th s e r i e s . I I I
(1869), p.157; the source i s unspecified,
but Sandys states t h a t he has seven copies
from d i f f e r e n t parts of the country which
conclude w i t h the three stanzas he p r i n t s;
c o l l a t i o n s of D.L.IIlb are given i n E.S.P.B.,
I I , p.12 (A).
1869.
3 stas. given only, 0 - R - T.
----------

IV. BIRMINGHAM - BLOOMER
'D.L.'
Location of Broadside:
I m p r i n t:
Date:
Description of t e x t:
Oxford Bodl. Lib., Douce Adds. 137, no.34.
"T. Bloomer, P r i n t e r , 53, Edgbaston-street."
1821-1827.
16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
BIRMINGHAM - JACKSON (Chapbook)
'D.L.' .
T i t l e of Chapbook: 'A New Carol Book No.2' (D.L. a t pp.27-29),
Location of Chapbook: Birmingham Lib. 63240.
I m p r i n t:
( f r o n t page)
Date:
Description of t e x t:
"BIRMINGHAM: Printed and Sold by Jackson &
Son ( l a t e J. R u s s e l l ) , 21, Moor-street."
C.1839 - C.1848.
16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
V I . BIRMINGHAM - WOOD
'D.L. '
. Location of Broadside;
I m p r i n t:
Date;
Birmingham L i b r a r y, i n the f o l l o w i ng
c o l l e c t i o n s - 41346, p..7, 60338, p.57,
119932. p.137 and 256712, p.73; also i n
B r i t i s h Lib. 1466 i . 30, n o . l and i n
B r i t i s h Lib. 1879 cc. 10, p.12.
"Printed by T. Wood, New Meeting-Street,
Birmingham, Where may be had, the greatest
v a r i e t y of Christmas Carols, a t the lowest
p r i c e s . " ;
C.1800 - c.1840; probably p r i n t e d c.1820
(or some years before or afterwards) since
the woodcut o f a c o f f i n (with name "Poor
Lazarus") on a l l copies of Wood's D.L. i s
used (without the name) on a lament, 'The
death of the Princess Charlotte' (d.l820) i n
Birmingham.Lib. 119932, p.68; the Wood t e xt
of D.L. probably goes back at l e a s t to the
eighteenth century - see discussion i n
Chapter Eight.
Description of t e x t: 16 stas., ordered as D.L.H.
-----
V I I . BIRMINGHAM - WRIGHT
'D.L.'
Location of Broadside:
I m p r i n t:
Date;
Description of t e x t :
Oxford Bodl. L i b . , Douce Adds. 137, no.9.
"Birmingham: Printed by W. Wright,
Moor-street, where Travellers may be supplied
w i t h an extensive v a r i e t y of Songs, Hymns,
&c., on the most reasonable terms."
C.1820 - 1825 or 1831 - c.1837.
16 stas. , A - C - D - E - F - G - H - J -
K - L - M - N - R - T - P - Q .
V I I I . NO IMPRINT - Probably Birmingham
'D.L.'
Location of Broadside
A t t r i b u t i o n:
Oxford Bodl. Lib..Douce Adds. 137, no.57.
Date;
Description of t e x t ;
The t e x t resembles D.L.IV and other Birmingham
t e x t s closely; the paper i s o f a coarse weave
and the woodcuts (a w i t c h on a broomstick,
Christ on the cross) are o f a crude o l d -
fashioned type ( c f . paper and s t y l e of cuts
of C.T.C. X V I I ).
Before 1799?
16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
IX. DUDLEY - RANN
'D.L.'
Location of Broadside:
I m p r i n t:
Date:
Description of t e x t :
R.V.W. L i b . Sharp Broadside Colin. 2061,
p.168.
"J. RANN, PRINTER, DUDLEY."
C.1793 -0.1845.
16 stas., i d e n t i c a l w i t h D.L.IV, except f or
one t r i f l i n g v a r i a t i o n.
X. DUDLEY - WALTERS (Chapbook)
'D.L.'
P r i n t e d: I n the chapbook, A Good Christmas Box, p r i n t ed
i n 1847 by G. Walters of High Street, Dudley,
i n Part I a t p.49; in the f a c s i m i l e copy
by M. and J. Raven a t p.8.
--------

Date:
Description of t e x t :
1847.
15 stas. , A - C- - D - E
M - N - P - Q - R - T .
- F - G - J - K - L -
X I , a - d.
(Carol 4)
LONDON - BATCHELAR
T i t l e of Broadsheet: 'Christmas Drawing Near At Hand.'
Contents of Broadsheet: 'Carol 1' (beg. "Christmas now i s drawing near
at hand"); 'Carol 2' (beg. "Rejoice and be
merry, set sorrow aside"); 'Carol 3' (beg.
"A v i r g i n most pure, as the prophets d i d
t e l l " ) . ; 'Carol 4' (beg. "As i t f e l l out upon
a day. Dives made a f e a s t " ) . (four carols)
Location of Broadside;
I m p r i n t:
Date;
Description of t e x t :
'a' i n R.V.W.Lib., Sharp Broadside Colin. 1991,
p.45; 'b' i n B r i t i s h Lib. 1889 b. 10/111,
p.8 verso; 'c' i n B r i t i s h Lib. 1875 d. 8
no. 61; 'd' i n B r i t i s h Lib. 1889 b. 10/111, .
p.11 verso.
'a'
'b'
c -
'd' -
"Printed by T. Batchelar, Long Alley,
Moorfields";
"Printed and s o l d by T. Batchelar,
14, Hackney Road Crescent";
"Printed and sold by Ann Batchelar,
14, Hackney Road Crescent";
"Printed and sold by D. Batchelair,
14, Hackney Road Crescent".
'a' - 1817 - 1828;
'c' - 1836 - 1842;
•b' - 1828 - 1832;
'd' - 1836 - 1842.
There are only minor differences between
v a r i a n t s a - d; 11 stas. printed as 6,
A - CD - GH - JK - LM - NP (shorter London
v e r s i o n ).
X l l a . LONDON -.CATNACH
'D.L.'
T i t l e of Broadsheet; 'Christmas Drawing Near at Hand'
Contents of Broadsheet: 'A V i r g i n most pure'; 'Christmas drawing
near at Hand'; 'Dives and Lazarus';
'While Shepherds watch'd'. (four carols)
Location of Broadside: B r i t i s h Lib. 1889 b. 10/111, pp.7^ and 8^;
Oxford Bodl. 5. Delta. 260, no.19;
Manchester Lib. BR f . 398.8 B l , p.62.
----------

X l l a . (cont'd)
I m p r i n t : "Printed by J. CATNACH, 2 Monmouth Court,
7 Dials."
Date: 1813 - 1848.
Description of t e x t : 11 stas. p r i n t e d as 6, AC - DG - HJ - KL
- MN - P (shorter London version).
X I l b . Printer, b a l l a d t i t l e and date as a.
T i t l e of Broadsheet: "A Select C o l l e c t i o n of admired Christmas
Carols".
Contents of Broadsheet: 'God r e s t you merry Gentlemen'; 'A V i r g in
Most Pure'; 'Dives and Lazarus'; 'l,\/hile
Shepherds watch'd'; 'Shepherds Rejoice';
'The N a t i v i t y ' . (six carols)
Location of Broadside: B r i t i s h Lib. 1889 b. 10/111, p.10^.
I m p r i n t : "Printed and Sold by J. Catnach, 2, Monmouth-
Court, 7 D i a l s . Sold by Bennett, Edward-St.,
Brighton."
Description of t e x t : 11 stas., ordered as D.L.XIIa, with a fev/
mi,nor v a r i a t i o n s.
X I I I . LONDON - PITTS
(Carol 4)
T i t l e and Contents
of Broadsheet: As above, D.L.XI.
Location of Broadside: B r i t i s h Lib. 1875 d. 8, no.57.
I m p r i n t : "Printed by J. P i t t s , Wholesale Toy and
Marble Warehouse, 6, Great St. Andrew Street,
7 Dials."
Date: 1822 (note i n i n k added below imprint).
Description of t e x t : 11 stas., p r i n t e d as 6, AC - D - GH - JK -
LM - NP (shorter London version).
XIVa and b. MANCHESTER - SWINDELLS
.'D.L.'
Location of Broadside: Manchester Lib. BR f . 398.8 E l , p.57 ('a')
and p.64 ( 'b').
I m p r i n t (both copies): Swindells, Prinhor.

XlVa and b. (cont'd)
Date: .
D e s c r i p t i o n of t e x t:
C.1760 - C.1850 (probably 1800 - 1830).
There are a few small differences between
'a' and 'b', vi/hich both consist of 16 stas.
( p r i n t e d without stanza d i v i s i o n s ) , ordered
as D.L.II.
20/. MONMOUTH - HEATH
'The celebrated carol c a l l e d Dives and Lazarus'
Location of Broadside: Hereford Lib., Walter P i l l e y Colin.
no.2270, p.16.
I m p r i n t:
Date:
Description of t e x t;
"Monmouth. Printed and Sold by Charles
Heath, i n the Square."-
1791 - 1831.
16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
(b) TRADITIONAL VARIANTS OF 'DIVES AND LAZARUS'
A l l variants except D.L.14 were c o l l e c t e d i n England.
D.L.I. CHILD 56 B.
'A Carol of Diverus and Lazarus'
Date:
Place:
Source:
, Without tune,
Description of t e x t:
1829 - 1839.
Hagley and Hartlebury, Worcs.
Child 56 B. from "F.S.L.", Notes and Queries,
4th series, I I I (1869), pp.75-76, "as sung by
carol-singers at Christmas i n Worcestershire
at Hagley and Hartlebury, 1829 - 1839".
14 stas., A - B - C -, D _ E - F - G - H -
j _ K -'L - M - N - P.
2. BRONSON 56 n o . l.
'Diverus and Lazarus
Date;
Place.:
1905.
Eardisley, Herefs.
----------

D.L.2. (cont'd)
Source:
Tune;
Description of t e x t :
Bronson 56 n o . l , from Andrews, J.F.S.S., I I ,
no.7 (1905), p.125; also i n Leather, Folklore
of Herefs., p.190; tune only i n Oxford Carols
no.57 (second tune), p.120; collected by
Mrs. E.M. Leather from the s i n g i n g o f
Mrs. Hannah H a r r i s , a mole-catcher's widow,
aged 80; tune noted by Miss E. Andrews.
Bronson group A.
12 stas., A - E - F - K - G - J - L - M -
N - p - p* - R.
3. BRONSON 56 no.2.
'D.L.'
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune:
Description o f t e x t :
(1871).
Not given.
Bronson 56 no.2 (tune only) from Bramley
and Stainer, Christmas Carols, pp.84-85,
both tune and words described, i b i d . , p.181
as " t r a d i t i o n a l " ; I d i f f e r from Bronson,
Trad. Tunes, I I , p.18 and from Child, E.S.P.B.,
I I , p.10 i n deeming that the t e x t does have
independent standing, though i t may w e ll
r e f l e c t a broadside t e x t.
Bronson group A.
16 stas., ordered as D.L.II.
BRONSON 56 no.3.
('D.L.')
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune;
Description of t e x t ;
January 1907. .
Dilwyn, Herefs.
Bronson 56 no.3, from R..V.W., J.F.S.S., IV,
no.14 (1910), p.47; also i n Leather,
Folklore o f Herefs., pp.190-191; sung by
J. Evans i n 1907; tune noted by R.V.W. from
a phonograph record.
Bronson group A.
5 stas. given only, A - Q - R - U - U l.
----------

D.L.5. BRONSON 56 no.4,
('D.L.')
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune only:
No Text Given.
(1910).
Weobley, Herefs.
Bronson 56 no.4 from Webb, J.F.S.S., I I ,
no.7 (1905), p. 131; 'The Moon Shines Bright',
sung by William Colcombe i n 1905; according
to the note i n J.F.S.S., IV, no.14 (1910),
p.48, t h i s tune was also used by Colcombe
f o r D.L.
Bronson group A.
BRONSON 56 no.5.
'Diverus and Lazarus'
Date;
Place;
Source:
Tune:
Description o f t e x t :
7 September 1921.
Ross-on-Wye Union, Herefs.
Bronson 56 no.5 from Sharp MSS., 4867/3339;
also i n Sharp, C o l l e c t i o n , ed. Karpeles, I ,
pp.60-61 (12 B); sung by Thomas Taylor,
aged 67, i n 1921.
Bronson group A.
9 stas., A - G - c , d - K - J - L - M - N - P.
BRONSON 56 no.6.
'Diverus and Lazarus'
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune:
Description of t e x t :
19 December 1911.
The Trench, Salop.
Bronson 56 no.6. from Sharp MSS., 2728/2224;
also i n Sharp, J.F.S.S.. V, no.18 (1914),
p.16 and i n Sharp, C o l l e c t i o n , ed Karpeles, I ,
pp.58-59 (12 A); sung by Samson Bates,
aged 76, i n 1911.
Bronson group B. ( c f . S.V.6.)
15 stas., A - C - D - E - F - G - K
M - N - P - Q - R - T .
---

D.L.8. BRONSON 56 no.7.
'Diverus and Lazarus'
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune:
14 December 1911.
Donnington Wood (county not given; perhaps
Salop.).
Bronson 56 no.7, from Sharp MSS., 2733/.;
sung by Henry Bould i n 1911.
Bronson group B ( c f . S.V.6.)
NO TEXT.
BRONSON 56 no.8.
(•D.L.')
Date:
Place:
Source:
Tune:
Description of t e x t ;
October 1911.
L i l l e s h a l l , Salop.
Bronson 56 no.8, from. Sharp MSS., 2715/.;
noted by Walter Perry from a L i l l e s h a l l
singer.
Bronson group B ( c f . S.V.6.)
One sta.. A, only. (MS. note: "15 stanzas
i n A Good Xmas Box.")
10. HOWITT/JEWSBURY
•D.L.'
Date:
Place:.
Source;
(1838).
Manchester area.
Howitt, Rural L i f e , p.467, from a c o l l n . of
carols from the Manchester area presented
by Mrs. Fletcher, n^e Jewsbury (see note
to H.W.5.).
Without tune,
Description of t e x t : 4 stas. given only, L - M - N - P.

----------

D.L.II. LEATHER/BEDDOE - Anon.
('D.L.')
Date:
Place:
Source:
Late nineteenth century?
Herefs.
Leather, Folklore of. Herefs., p.191, as
noted i n Herefs. "many years ago" by
Dr. John Beddoe and sent to Mrs. Leather
by his b r o t h e r , H.C. Beddoe.
Without tune.
Description of t e x t : 3 stas. given only, R - S - U2.
12. WILLIAMS - Anon. (a waggoner)
('D.L.')
Date:
Place:
Source;
Tune:
NO TEXT.
Not given; probably September 1913.
Pool End, near Ashperton, Herefs.
Tune only, i n R.V.W. L i b . , Vaughan Williams
MS. 4to E, p.2 (unpublished); sung by
"a waggoner".
Not i n Bronson.
13. SOURCE UNKNOWN '
• 'Lazarus and Dives'
Date:
Place:
Source:
Without tune.
Description of t e x t;
Not given.
Not given; perhaps Southern England.
Text only, i n R.V.W.Lib;. LIB/COLL/MPS.
50 (31) I , pp.114-115 (unpublished);
no d e t a i l s of source given.
10 stas., A - c , e - D - c , g - J - K - N
- P - L - M; cf. D.L.Xi- - X I I I.

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
D.L.14. GAINER - Wilson
'Diverus and Lazarus'
Date:
Place:
Source:
. Tune:
Description of t e x t:
(1975).
Gilmer County, W.Va.
Gainer, Folk Songs from the W.Va. H i l l s,
pp.35-36; sung by Aunt Mary Wilson of
Gilmer County.
Not i n Bronson.
7 stas., A - C - D -.K - L - M - N*.